Our panel’s verdict on Rishi Sunak’s speech to
the Tory party conference
Frances
Ryan, Katy Balls, Simon Jenkins, Lester Holloway, Sam Hall, Larry Elliott
The prime minister has presented himself as the change
candidate – will the British public buy it?
Wed 4 Oct
2023 14.15 BST
Frances Ryan Sunak is going down, and he’s happy
to drag the whole country with him
When
Akshata Murty made a surprise introduction for her “fun and compassionate”
husband before his first – and probably last – conference speech as leader, the
tribute sounded a little like a bizarre obituary. If party members were
watching the prime minister’s slow political death, it was the rest of us who
were begging to be put out of our misery.
Sure, there
were a few policy announcements: HS2’s Manchester leg scrapped in place of a
“network north”, a “long-term workforce plan” for the NHS, and raising the
legal smoking age. But this was a speech with remarkably little substance. The
cost of living? Public services? Sunak spent more time talking about vapes than
poverty. Families struggling to pay the bills won’t find much help in an
announcement of more maths lessons at school.
“You either
think this country needs to change or you don’t,” he said. This was a series of
complaints about the state of Britain untroubled by the small fact that his
party has been in charge for 13 years. Sunak is effectively the hot-dog guy
meme, trashing the country only to announce: “We’re all trying to find the guy
who did this!”
Everyone
else was to blame – striking doctors, “vested interests”, even Jeremy Corbyn.
With no answers to the problems facing the country, he resorted to
dog-whistles: people deemed unfit to work are effectively faking it; men are
pretending to be women. “The UK is not a racist country,” Sunak declared, 24
hours after the home secretary described a “hurricane” of migrants to come.
No
scapegoat is too vulnerable. No post-truth fearmongering is too heinous. For
Britain, the consequences are clear: crumbling public services, growing poverty
and a toxic political culture. Sunak is going down, and he’s happy to drag the
whole country with him.
Frances
Ryan is a Guardian columnist
Katy Balls There is a high-risk electoral
strategy at play here
Liz Truss
once said that she was willing to be unpopular if that’s what it took to enact
her economic policies (although even she probably didn’t expect the backlash
that soon followed). In his first conference speech as Tory leader, Rishi Sunak
has suggested that he is also happy to divide opinion – and his own party – if
that’s what it takes to action his plans.
The three
main announcements – axing the Manchester leg of HS2, a phased ban on smoking
and scrapping A-levels for a new broader qualification – all come with risks.
The West Midlands mayor, Andy Street, has made clear his displeasure over
cutting high-speed rail, alongside many Tory big beasts. The education
announcement could face a backlash from parents who worry about change. And the
smoking ban will prove more unpopular with the Tory party faithful than the
public at large.
So, why is
Sunak doing this? After all, the education policy will only come to pass if he
somehow wins the next election. Effectively the calculation has been made in
Downing Street that, given the stubborn polls, Sunak doesn’t have much to lose
– his managerialist approach up to this point hasn’t seen much reward.
Therefore it’s time to “let Rishi be Rishi” – and see what happens.
If it goes
to plan, Sunak will come across as the change candidate – a politician of
action who voters can see stands for something, even if they don’t like what it
is. They want to contrast this with Keir Starmer, on the calculation that
Labour will run a cautious election campaign. Combine that with Starmer’s
U-turns over the years and, Sunak supporters argue, he could look the more
authentic choice.
But,
ultimately, appearing the change candidate after 13 years of Tory rule is very
hard to do. This is the first taste of how Sunak will try to do it.
Katy Balls
is the Spectator’s political editor
Simon Jenkins At least he spoke sense on HS2
The white
elephant HS2 has lost a second leg, with Rishi Sunak confirming in today’s
speech that he is cutting the Manchester line. But in going, it has given Sunak
a terrible beating. He has long known he would have to cut back on its
intolerable costs. How many billions might he have saved – and spent elsewhere
– had he done so when it crossed his desk two years ago? Now his poor media
management has allowed it to scar his party conference. Yet he has still failed
to take the obvious final step, to cancel what now really is the most
half-baked infrastructure project in Europe. Sunak’s eloquent arguments against
the northern HS2 – and the rich rewards from cancelling it – are now applicable
no less plausibly against the southern one.
Sunak was
wise to boast new uses for the £36bn he intends to save on the Manchester leg.
All are wiser investments than HS2. That they have had to wait until today
shows how chaotic are central government’s sense of priorities when it comes to
these vanity projects. Nuclear power stations may be next on the list. As it
is, to get a handful of extra trains to Birmingham at a cost of some £70bn will
still require taxpayers to spend three times more than they intend to spend in
total on new hospitals in England. It far exceeds what the government has
deemed necessary for extra spend on English schools. That is the reality behind
this week’s hysteria of rhetoric and metaphor.
What
remains of HS2 is a political monstrosity. There is a perfectly adequate
railway from London to Birmingham. HS2 will still drain rail investment from
the network. It will still not link to HS1. But the baton for all this may soon
pass to Keir Starmer. He should note the one lesson Sunak has taught him: it is
never too late to cancel HS2. If Starmer wishes to be seen as a responsible
custodian of public money, he should say now that he will cancel this fiasco.
He should certainly not wait for a Labour party conference in Liverpool.
Simon
Jenkins is a Guardian columnist
Lester Holloway Sunak’s comments on race were
deeply misguided
“Never let
anyone tell you this is a racist country: it is not,” Sunak declared. The only
evidence he offered was himself – privately educated and the richest MP in
Britain – and other Black and Asian Tory ministers. His words echoed that of
trade minister Kemi Badenoch, who boasted this week that Britain is the “best
place to grow up Black”. Meanwhile, the home secretary, Suella Braverman, stirs
up fears of a “hurricane” of migration about to land in Britain.
It is
highly reductive to entirely base an assessment of whether Britain is racist on
the success of a handful of Tory MPs. All the evidence points the other way.
Black people are twice as likely to be unemployed, and four times more likely
to suffer maternal deaths. Last week, a poll by the Voice newspaper and
Cambridge University found under half were in any way proud to be British, and
many did not see Britain as their permanent home.
This is the
consequence of living in a systemically racist society. Of course, there was
nothing in Sunak’s speech to tackle the root causes. He and his party prefer to
live the lie of there not really being a problem in the first place, as the
Sewell report tried to claim. The problem, as they see it, is people choosing
to resent Britain rather than getting on with life.
When Sunak
boasted of Britain being “the most successful multi-ethnic democracy” on Earth,
he was doing nothing but virtue signalling. Playing up his own family story
while dismissing the experiences of others is for Tory consumption only,
because they have long given up on most Black and brown votes. But the damage
such narratives can do to the national conversation on racism between now and
the election could be profound.
Lester
Holloway is the editor of the Voice
Sam Hall From a Conservative environmentalist
perspective: mixed feelings
It’s hard
to think of a policy issue where “long-term decision-making” is more important
than our stewardship of the natural world. It is hard to think of a “brighter
future” than one with clean growth and the restoration of nature at its core.
So it was good to hear the prime minister underscore his commitment to the
environment.
He
reiterated the arguments from his recent speech on net zero. We do need to
minimise the costs for households and preserve the consent of the public. The
UK does have a world-leading record on emissions reduction. Too few people
realise the UK is halfway to net zero. But while not much has changed in policy
terms on net zero, concerns about the government’s narrative were voiced across
the fringe of the party conference. Past success at decarbonisation should not
be a reason for complacency. We should be reaping the economic benefits from
our head start by developing and exporting the technologies of the future, not
letting other countries overtake us. Nor can it be politically prudent to
validate arguments against the previous net zero strategy, which is not
substantively different from Sunak’s new approach.
The speech
didn’t include many new green policies. Environmentalists will have mixed
feelings about the scaling back of HS2. It has caused local environmental
damage, particularly to ancient woodland, but it would also have offered a
low-carbon option for longer journeys. The improvements to regional rail
networks announced in its place could be transformational for the economy as
well as transport sustainability. However, the rapid inflation in the HS2
budget has revealed the sky-high costs of building transport infrastructure in
the UK. This underlying problem will need to be tackled if we’re to reach net
zero affordably.
The prime
minister still has more to do to demonstrate how the UK will meet our climate
targets through carrots rather than sticks. As we approach the next election,
this could give the Conservatives a more positive narrative on the environment.
Sam Hall is
the director of the Conservative Environment Network
Larry Elliott It’s the economy, Rishi
Rishi Sunak
has junked the technocratic, nerdy approach that has been the hallmark of his
first year in office and replaced it with something more radical, and a lot
more risky. After 13 years in power it is quite courageous – or foolhardy – to
say that you are the agent of change. Normally it is opposition leaders who say
that.
But needs
must. The Conservatives are lagging miles behind in the opinion polls and Keir
Starmer has thus far adopted a safety-first approach. So, appealing to the
public as if you were the leader of the opposition is perhaps the least bad
option in the circumstances.
There were
three big policy announcements – on HS2, smoking and education – to drive home
the message that the Conservatives can deliver the change the country so badly
wants and needs. And, make no mistake, Sunak has put pressure on Labour to come
up with some eye-catching policies of its own when it meets in Liverpool next
week.
Even so,
the prime minister’s strategy has its problems. Voters may take some convincing
that the £36bn of savings from HS2 will actually be recycled into other
infrastructure projects. After all, if a government is prepared to axe such a
high-profile scheme, it could easily do the same in the future to less
politically sensitive pieces of infrastructure.
An even
bigger issue is the state of the economy. As Sunak spoke, interest rates on
government debt rose to their highest since the late 1990s, on fears that the
Bank of England will need to keep official borrowing costs at their current
level well into next year.
Although
the economic outlook is less bleak than it was after Liz Truss’s ill-starred
premiership, it is still poor. The economy may just avoid recession this
winter, and living standards should start to rise gently as wage growth
outpaces price increases. But there will certainly be no feel-good factor and
nor is there scope for pre-election tax cuts. The government has run out of
money, and it is rapidly running out of time.
Larry
Elliott is the Guardian’s economics editor
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