Americans’
Support for Israel Dramatically Declines, Times/Siena Poll Finds
A
majority of American voters now oppose sending additional economic and military
aid to Israel, a stunning reversal in public opinion since the Oct. 7, 2023,
attacks.
By Lisa
Lerer and Ruth Igielnik
Sept. 29,
2025
https://www.nytimes.com/2025/09/29/polls/israel-gaza-war-us-poll.html
Nearly
two years into the war in Gaza, American support for Israel has undergone a
seismic reversal, with large shares of voters expressing starkly negative views
about the Israeli government’s management of the conflict, a new poll from The
New York Times and Siena University found.
Disapproval
of the war appears to have prompted a striking reassessment by American voters
of their broader sympathies in the decades-old conflict in the region, with
slightly more voters siding with Palestinians over Israelis for the first time
since The Times began asking voters about their sympathies in 1998.
In the
aftermath of the Hamas-led attacks on Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, American voters
broadly sympathized with Israelis over Palestinians, with 47 percent siding
with Israel and 20 percent with Palestinians. In the new poll, 34 percent said
they sided with Israel and 35 percent with Palestinians. Thirty-one percent
said they were unsure or backed both equally.
A
majority of American voters now oppose sending additional economic and military
aid to Israel, a stunning reversal in public opinion since the Oct. 7 attacks.
About six out of 10 voters said that Israel should end its military campaign,
even if the remaining Israeli hostages were not released or Hamas was not
eliminated. And 40 percent of voters said Israel was intentionally killing
civilians in Gaza, nearly double the number of voters who agreed with that
statement in the 2023 poll.
Taken
together, the findings in the Times/Siena survey show a major deterioration in
support for a staunch American ally that has enjoyed decades of bipartisan
backing. The drop is an unusually large shift in public opinion in this
hyper-polarized era, when public opinion has tended to move incrementally over
long periods unless affected by cataclysmic events such as war.
Austin
Mugleston, a Democrat from Blackfoot, Idaho, said his views on U.S. support for
Israel had weakened as the conflict dragged on.
“I
actually was pretty pro-Israel the last few years, especially hearing about the
devastating terrorist night of Oct. 7,” said Mr. Mugleston, 33, who works in
communications. “Nobody should go through that. But for how long it’s taking
and from how much worse Israel is doing to Palestinians, it just doesn’t feel
like a level playing field anymore.”
The
survey also hints at challenges for the U.S.-Israel alliance in the future.
Israel has been the largest cumulative recipient of U.S. foreign aid since its
founding in 1948, receiving hundreds of billions of dollars in support.
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Younger
voters, regardless of party, were less likely to back continuing that support.
Nearly seven in 10 voters under 30 said they opposed additional economic or
military aid.
Much of
the shift in views on Israel has been driven by a sharp decline in support by
Democratic voters. Republicans largely continue to support Israel, though there
has been a modest decline.
Nearly
two years ago, Democrats were evenly divided, with 34 percent sympathizing with
Israel and 31 percent with Palestinians. Now, rank-and-file Democrats across
the country overwhelmingly side with Palestinians — 54 percent said they
sympathized more with Palestinians, while only 13 percent expressed greater
empathy for Israel.
More than
eight in 10 Democrats said Israel should stop the war even if the country had
not achieved its goals, a notable increase from the roughly 60 percent who said
the same two years ago.
Nearly
six in 10 Democrats believe Israel is intentionally killing civilians, double
the share who said the same in 2023.
Shannon
Carey, 39, a Democrat from a suburb of Hartford, Conn., said the Israeli
government’s response to the initial Oct. 7 attacks had become “unreasonable.”
She said she would like the United States to stop supplying Israel with
military and financial support because it was funding a “humanitarian crisis.”
“As a
mother, seeing those children is horrifying,” Ms. Carey, a physician assistant,
said. “This isn’t a war. It’s a genocide.”
The
biggest movement within the Democratic Party has come from an unexpected place:
White, college-educated, older Democrats who have become the backbone of the
party in recent elections. Younger Democrats and Democrats without a college
education were already much more sympathetic to Palestinians when the conflict
began nearly two years ago.
In 2023,
Democratic voters ages 45 and up sympathized with Israel over Palestinians
2-to-1. That is now reversed, with 42 percent saying they sympathize more with
Palestinians, compared with 17 percent who feel more sympathetic toward Israel.
Patti
West, 67, a retiree from Central Florida, said she had long considered herself
a strong supporter of U.S. involvement in the region. She struggled with the
idea of stopping aid, but came to believe it wasn’t helping end the conflict.
“Why do
we keep funding this?” Ms. West, a Democrat, said. “This has been going since I
was kid, and it’s still going on.” She added, “They are going to hate each
other forever.”
Diminished
backing for Israel among white Democrats was also more pronounced than shifts
among nonwhite Democrats. Nonwhite Democrats were already more sympathetic to
Palestinians when the conflict began.
Former
President Joseph R. Biden Jr. faced fierce criticism of his support for Israel
during his term, including disruptive protests that continued even as he
increasingly took a harder stance with Israel’s government.
Republican
voters, by contrast, largely back President Trump.
As
multiple Western countries have moved to recognize a Palestinian state, Mr.
Trump has placed little separation between himself and Prime Minister Benjamin
Netanyahu.
Seven in
10 Republicans said they supported providing additional aid to Israel. A
majority of Republicans said Israel should continue the military campaign until
all hostages were released, even if it meant civilian casualties. And 47
percent said that the Israeli military was taking enough precautions to prevent
civilian deaths.
“The
Israelis can pretty much fend for themselves and take care of it, but we have
to make sure no one comes up on them,” said Edward Johnson, 51, a
self-described conservative from Minneapolis who voted for Mr. Trump.
Yet even
Republican support has fallen, albeit by significantly less.
Republicans
still sympathize with Israel more than Palestinians, 64 percent to 9 percent.
But those numbers indicate a drop in support of 12 percentage points since
2023, when 76 percent sided with Israel.
About a
third of Republicans said Israel’s military was not taking enough action to
prevent civilian deaths.
Mason
Northrup, 29, a Trump supporter from St. Louis, said he supported the Israeli
military but would like to see the president decrease American involvement in
the conflict.
“He needs
to back off a little bit because the Israelis are capable of pulling off some
pretty crazy stuff,” Mr. Northrup said of Mr. Trump. “We should let them fight
their own war.”
This poll
was conducted in English and Spanish, by telephone using live interviewers and
by text message. Overall, 99 percent of respondents were contacted on their
cellphone. You can see the exact questions that were asked and the order in
which they were asked here.
Voters
are selected for the survey from a list of registered voters. The list contains
information on the demographic characteristics of every registered voter,
allowing us to make sure we reach the right number of voters of each party,
race and region. For this poll, interviewers placed more than 152,000 calls or
texts to more than 56,000 voters.
To
further ensure that the results reflect the entire voting population, not just
those willing to take a poll, we give more weight to respondents from
demographic groups that are underrepresented among survey respondents, like
people without a college degree. You can see more information about the
characteristics of respondents and the weighted sample at the bottom of the
results and methodology page, under “Composition of the Sample.”
The
margin of sampling error among the electorate that is likely to vote in
November is about plus or minus 3.2 percentage points. In theory, this means
that the results should reflect the views of the overall population most of the
time, though many other challenges create additional sources of error.
You can
see full results and a detailed methodology here. If you want to read more
about how and why the Times/Siena Poll is conducted, you can see answers to
frequently asked questions and submit your own questions here.
Lisa
Lerer is a national political reporter for The Times, based in New York. She
has covered American politics for nearly two decades.
Ruth
Igielnik is a Times polling editor who conducts polls and analyzes and reports
on the results.

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