Democrats
at Munich security summit to urge Europe to stand up to Trump
European
leaders divided over how far to accommodate Trump’s ‘wrecking ball’ politics
and foreign policy
Patrick
Wintour in Munich
Fri 13
Feb 2026 07.00 CET
US
Democrats will use a security summit this weekend to urge European leaders to
stand up to Donald Trump, with the continent divided over how to keep the
unpredictable US president on side.
Democrats
at the annual Munich Security Conference will include some of Trump’s most
outspoken critics, such as the governor of California, Gavin Newsom, the New
York congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, the Arizona senator Ruben Gallego
and the Michigan governor, Gretchen Whitmer.
Newsom
has already urged Europeans to realise that “grovelling to Trump’s needs” makes
them “look pathetic on the world stage”, telling reporters at the World
Economic Forum in Davos last month he “should have brought a bunch of knee
pads”.
Gallego
was almost as forthright. “[Trump] is destroying our world reputation or
potentially our economic might around the world because he is being petty. None
of this is rational. Everyone needs to stop pretending this is rational,” he
said.
The US
delegation will, however, be led by the US secretary of state Marco Rubio. And
while European leaders will be hoping he will deliver a more emollient message
than the speech meted out last year by the vice-president JD Vance, they are
also divided over how to deal with Trump.
Some, led
most prominently by the French president, Emmanuel Macron, have said that a
new, more defiant diplomacy is essential to counter what the Munich organisers
have called Trump’s “wrecking ball politics”. Others, such as the Nato
secretary general, Mark Rutte, have said maintaining Trump’s goodwill is
indispensable for European security.
The Vance
speech launched a debate inside European capitals over whether the US and
Europe still shared the same values, and if they no longer did, how quickly the
two sides could disengage.
Since
then Trump has repeatedly insulted the EU, embarked on a form of resource
imperialism across the globe, and found reasons to excuse Vladimir Putin. On
his European trip, Rubio has chosen to visit Hungary and Slovakia, the two EU
states most opposed to the bloc’s support for Ukraine.
Traditionally
the US delegation to Munich has tried not to air its domestic political
differences, but this year, those differences look irrepressible and Democrats
are likely to side with Europe in rejecting what they see as Trump’s coercive
diplomacy.
Democrats
could be tempted to tell Europe to be patient and wait for normal service to be
resumed. Trump’s plunging poll numbers have already prompted Republicans in
congress to defy the President on tariffs, a disloyalty that they hope could
grow as the prospect of a Republican party bloodbath looms in the November
midterm elections.
But many
in the west now think the old rules-based order has gone for good, replaced by
a new, deals-based order in which the great powers transact and transgress, and
declare their might is right. That was the key message Mark Carney, the
Canadian prime minister, delivered in his speech at Davos. “We know the old
order is not coming back,” he said. “We shouldn’t mourn it. Nostalgia is not a
strategy, but we believe that from the fracture, we can build something bigger,
better, stronger, more just.”
As a
result, much of the three-day Munich conference – at which the German
chancellor, Friedrich Merz, the UK prime minister, Keir Starmer, the French
president, Emmanuel Macron, and the president of the European Commission,
Ursula von der Leyen, are due to speak – will be about this interregnum.
At one
extreme lies Macron who this week said tensions between Europe and the US could
intensify after the recent “Greenland moment”, when Trump threatened tariffs
against European countries opposed to his bid to seize control of the Arctic
island from Denmark.
In an
interview with several European newspapers, Macron described the Trump
administration as “openly anti-European” and seeking the EU’s “dismemberment”.
He added: “When there’s a clear act of aggression, I think what we should do
isn’t bow down or try to reach a settlement. I think we’ve tried that strategy
for months. It’s not working.”
The
French leader noted a “double crisis: we have the Chinese tsunami on the trade
front, and we have minute-by-minute instability on the American side”. He is
due to make a speech later this month on whether France could offer its nuclear
weapon as an umbrella for a Europe that can no longer rely on the US.
At the
other end of the spectrum lies Rutte, who recently said: “If anyone thinks here
… that the European Union or Europe as a whole can defend itself without the
US, keep on dreaming. You can’t.”
One
Baltic diplomat sensed the tide was turning against the Nato leader’s
conciliatory approach. They said the lesson of the recent row with Trump over
Greenland was that when Europe threatened to wield its economic muscle, he
backed away. But the same diplomat admitted he woke up each morning thinking
how he could make his country more relevant to the US.
The path
to a more sovereign European defence is not easy. Defence spending is
increasing but the continent knows effective rearmament will take time. On
Ukraine, Starmer is insistent that the required security guarantees after any
settlement with Russia still require US capability commitments to be credible.
But in
other ways, the distancing from America has started.
In recent
months Carney, Starmer and Macron have tried to reset relations with China,
offering dialogue without enmity. Beijing has shown it has the capacity to
reshape global supply chains, and stands to be the beneficiary of Trump’s
destruction of multilateralism.
In a
further sign of Europe’s willingness to beat an independent path, Italy and
Poland, two countries currently closest to the US, have joined other European
nations in refusing to join Trump’s Board of Peace, an elaborate construct
designed to put Trump’s ego at the centre of peace-making at the expense of the
UN.
But as it
has for the past four years, Europe’s future remains bound up with the fate of
Ukraine. Trump has demanded a peace deal on Putin’s terms within months – JD
Vance has declared it is “not our war” – and that leaves Europe facing stark
choices about its priorities. As Macron might say, waiting for the return of
the Democrats will not save Kyiv.

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