How
Venezuela’s New Leader Went From Revolutionary to Trump’s Orbit
Delcy
Rodríguez, a guerrilla’s daughter, started out as a provocateur. She pivoted to
revive a ravaged economy, making her vital to U.S. plans to run Venezuela.
Simon
Romero Anatoly
Kurmanaev
By Simon
Romero and Anatoly Kurmanaev
Simon
Romero, a former bureau chief in Caracas, began covering Venezuela in 2006.
Anatoly Kurmanaev, who has covered Venezuela since 2013, reported from Caracas.
https://www.nytimes.com/2026/01/10/world/americas/delcy-rodriguez-venezuela-economy-trump.html
Jan. 10,
2026
Venezuela’s
streets were on fire as protests raged over misrule.
Paramilitary
cells and security forces were killing protesters by the dozens. Delcy
Rodríguez, the foreign minister at the time, in 2014, convened ambassadors from
around the world in a bid to flip the narrative and fend off sanctions over
rights abuses.
In the
closed-door meeting, Ms. Rodríguez berated envoys from the United States and
the European Union. Pointing her finger at them, she said those killed were
terrorists, not protesters.
“She was
yelling at them, using very aggressive language,” said Imdat Oner, a former
diplomat at Turkey’s embassy in Caracas who witnessed the scene. “This is not
the way a foreign minister acts. I found it shocking because it was completely
out of line with diplomatic practices.”
Ms.
Rodríguez lost that battle when President Barack Obama ended up imposing
sanctions. But her combative tactics served her well as she climbed through the
ranks of a government dominated by men who were military figures or
fire-breathing ideologues.
Now, with
President Trump’s assent, Ms. Rodríguez is Venezuela’s interim leader after
U.S. forces captured and forcibly extracted her predecessor, Nicolás Maduro,
and his wife, Cilia Flores, to stand trial in New York.
Ms.
Rodríguez, 56, faces an immense challenge. She must placate an American
president who says the United States will run Venezuela for years to come,
while trying to stabilize a cratering economy and consolidate control over
governing institutions and power brokers in her inner circle imbued with hatred
of U.S. meddling.
But those
who know her say her capacity for hurling insults at the West, virtually a job
requirement in Venezuela’s government until Mr. Maduro’s capture, is
complemented by a pragmatic streak, making her a survivor of both internal
purges and geopolitical shifts.
Her
transformation from Mr. Maduro’s ideological provocateur into a
straight-talking technocrat seemingly capable of working with Mr. Trump
unspooled as she amassed power in recent years by leading an effort to pull
Venezuela out of an economic crash marked by children dying of hunger.
Trained
abroad in France and Britain, she holds rarefied status for some at home as the
daughter of a Marxist guerrilla who kidnapped an American business executive
and became a revolutionary martyr.
As
foreign minister, she was part of the decision-making process seeking a reset
of relations in 2017 with the United States at the start of the first Trump
administration. That was when Citgo Petroleum, then the U.S. subsidiary of
Venezuela’s national oil company, donated $500,000 to Mr. Trump’s inauguration.
Bringing
in a new team of economic advisers from Venezuela and abroad, Ms. Rodríguez
brokered a truce with Venezuela’s economic elite and embarked on a stealth
privatization of natural resources by giving foreign investors control over
some coveted projects, such as oil fields, cement plants and iron ore mines.
Right up
until Mr. Maduro’s removal, Ms. Rodríguez echoed his defiant, anti-imperialist
language in her public statements.
“The
Pentagon always had a strategic objective of obtaining Venezuelan reserves” of
oil, she told The New York Times in an interview in September, as Mr. Trump was
tightening the military noose on Mr. Maduro. “There’s no doubt that one of the
strategic objectives is what is called regime change.”
But on
Friday, less than a week after the United States snatched Mr. Maduro under
cover of night, Ms. Rodríguez put out a statement saying that Venezuela was
exploring the possibility of restoring diplomatic ties and sending a delegation
to Washington.
And on
Friday, diplomats from the United States visited Caracas, Venezuela’s capital,
to assess a “potential” resumption in embassy operations for the first time in
nearly seven years.
Ms.
Rodríguez’s previous efforts to court investors and businessmen paid off.
Hyperinflation was halted and economic growth returned, fueling Ms. Rodríguez’s
climb to the apex of Venezuelan politics.
“We had
to re-engineer the economy,” said Rafael Correa, Ecuador’s former leftist
president and a U.S.-trained economist whom Ms. Rodríguez hired as her economic
adviser, starting in 2018, about a year after he left office. “It was complete
chaos.”
Venezuela,
in recent years, has achieved some of Latin America’s highest growth rates,
albeit from extremely reduced levels.
Mr.
Correa, who still advises Ms. Rodríguez, attributed the increased stability to
her work ethic and openness to technical assistance. “She is a workaholic, she
never stops,” he said.
By the
time of Mr. Maduro’s capture, the former leader had already delegated
practically all economic matters to Ms. Rodríguez, who simultaneously held the
posts of vice president, minister of finance and minister of petroleum.
But now
Venezuela’s new leader faces what is arguably her hardest challenge as she
threads the needle between U.S. demands and domestic pressures.
Underscoring
the strain facing her, Mr. Trump told The Times in an interview this past week
that she was in constant communication with Secretary of State Marco Rubio, a
detail confirmed by a person close to Ms. Rodríguez who requested anonymity to
discuss private conversations. Mr. Trump declined to comment when asked if he
had spoken with Ms. Rodríguez.
Ms.
Rodríguez’s government did not respond to requests for comment.
In a
speech on Wednesday night describing the U.S. military attacks that Venezuelan
officials said killed at least 100 civilians and military personnel, she said,
“Venezuela is a peaceful country that was attacked by a nuclear power.”
But she
also emphasized how realpolitik is shaping Venezuela’s new relationship with
the United States as the Trump administration compels her into providing
privileged access to Venezuela’s oil reserves for U.S. oil companies.
Her
technocratic, numbers-heavy communication style was on display on Wednesday,
when in her address she rattled off complex economic statistics and used words
like “Manichaean” to describe relations with the United States. The tone was a
far cry from the folksy style of Mr. Maduro, a former bus driver and
self-described “working-class president.”
When she
was 7, Ms. Rodríguez lost her father, a Marxist guerrilla named Jorge Antonio
Rodríguez, who led the kidnapping of William Niehous, an American executive at
Owens-Illinois, a bottle manufacturer.
Her
father was a leader of the Socialist League, a splinter party that promoted
armed struggle during the 1970s and counted Mr. Maduro among its members. Mr.
Rodríguez died in prison in 1976 at age 34 after being charged in the Niehous
kidnapping and tortured by intelligence agents from a pro-U.S. government.
After her
father’s death, Ms. Rodríguez, as the daughter of hard-line leftists,
effectively grew up in the wilderness of Venezuelan politics. Venezuela was a
democracy at the time but dominated by two parties, one center-right, the other
center-left, marginalizing political extremes.
She
graduated with honors with a law degree from one of the country’s best schools,
the Central University of Venezuela in Caracas. Then she studied labor law at
the Sorbonne, the renowned French university.
When she
returned from Paris, Venezuela was experiencing a political convulsion.
Hugo
Chávez had risen to power, spawning his socialism-inspired movement that he
called the Bolivarian Revolution. She joined the diplomatic corps of his
nascent government, obtaining a post in Venezuela’s embassy in London. While
there, she studied politics at Birkbeck College.
Her
mother, also named Delcy, is a political activist sometimes called the
“Matriarch of the Revolution.” She is known to be very close to her daughter,
and accompanied her when she was living in London.
The
languages Ms. Rodríguez honed while studying abroad, including her fluency in
English, made her stand out in a government where top officials typically only
speak Spanish. When she moved back to Caracas, she was often seen chatting in
French with African diplomats.
By this
time, her father had emerged as something of a martyr for Venezuela’s
revolution. Her older brother, Jorge Rodríguez, also became a top Chávez aide
and, at one point, his vice president. He is now the head of the National
Assembly, positioning the siblings at the helm of two government branches.
After Mr.
Chávez died in 2013, she began her meteoric rise in the Maduro government under
her brother’s wing, according to people who know her.
Several
Venezuelan and Western businessmen who have met Ms. Rodríguez have said they
were impressed by what they described as her knowledge of technical subjects,
as well as her eloquence and wit. They said she was always impeccably dressed,
asked probing questions, and made subtle jokes.
Some of
the businessmen have described her as a micromanager obsessed with control,
adding that she insists on personally signing every document, down to the most
menial approvals. This approach brought some discipline to Venezuela’s chaotic
bureaucracy, but it created a growing pile of proposals languishing without her
approval.
To aid
her rise she sidelined rivals, according to multiple people close to the
government. Most notably, she was instrumental in the resignation and eventual
jailing of Tareck El Aissami, a Maduro protégé who ran the oil industry, they
said.
The
people who spoke to The Times about Ms. Rodríguez requested anonymity to
discuss private conversations or because of concerns over retaliation.
Her
allies say her obsession with work is driven by her vision of Venezuela’s
economic development; her detractors say she pursues control for control’s
sake, revealing a broader desire for power.
She has
relied on a close-knit team of market-friendly officials to execute her
economic plans. These include Román Maniglia, who currently leads Venezuela’s
largest public sector bank, and Calixto Ortega Sánchez, whom Ms. Rodríguez
named this week as the country’s new finance minister.
After
taking charge of the economy, she brought in two economic consultants from
Ecuador, who became the core executors of her stabilization plan. The
consultants, Patricio Rivera and Fausto Herrera, had served under Mr. Correa,
Ecuador’s former president.
While Ms.
Rodríguez previously adopted the belligerent rhetoric of Venezuela’s regime,
she is also known, acquaintances said, to enjoy luxury clothing brands and fine
dining. She does not have children and has never married.
People
who know her said she is very close to her family, spending much of her spare
time with her mother, her brother, Mr. Rodríguez, and his children.
She was
raised Catholic but has since embraced a broader idea of spirituality that has
not been promoted as part of her tough-as-nails public profile.
Ms.
Rodríguez is a follower of the Indian guru Sri Sathya Sai Baba, who died in
2011 and faced claims of sexual abuse and money laundering. In Venezuela, other
prominent followers of the guru include Mr. Maduro and his wife, Ms. Flores.
Followers are meant to adhere to the core tenets of truth, peace and love.
Ms.
Rodriguez is “a disciple of Sai Baba” who has visited the guru’s ashram and
paid her “obeisance” to him frequently, said an official of the Sri Sathya Sai
Central Trust, who asked not to be named because of a lack of authorization to
speak to the news media.
The
ashram is in Puttaparthi, in the south Indian state of Andhra Pradesh. On her
visits in recent years, she was dressed in a kurta, a type of loose collarless
shirt, and was seen walking through sacred spaces, often folding her hands in
homage to the guru in front of his life-size portrait and statue.
Reporting
was contributed by Mariana Martínez from Caracas, Julie Turkewitz from
Maryland, Pragati K.B. from New Delhi and José María León Cabrera from Quito,
Ecuador.
Simon
Romero is a Times correspondent covering Mexico, Central America and the
Caribbean. He is based in Mexico City.
Anatoly
Kurmanaev covers Venezuela and its interim government.


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