As
Tensions Escalate Between Trump and Europe, Meloni Is Caught in the Middle
Each new
crisis, whether over Ukraine or tariffs, has made the Italian prime minister’s
balancing act that much harder.
Neil
MacFarquhar Emma Bubola
By Neil
MacFarquhar and Emma Bubola
Reporting
from Rome
https://www.nytimes.com/2025/03/31/world/europe/italy-meloni-trump-europe-tensions.html
March 31,
2025, 12:01 a.m. ET
Amid raucous
questioning by opposition members in Italy’s Parliament this month, Prime
Minister Giorgia Meloni noted that she had been asked repeatedly: “Are you with
Europe or with the United States?”
The prime
minister responded that she was always with Italy and by extension, Europe. “I
don’t blindly follow Europe or the United States,” she said, adding, “But I’m
also for the unity of the West, and I think that is necessary for both Europe
and Italy.”
Just a
couple of months ago, when President Trump was inaugurated, Ms. Meloni seemed
perfectly positioned to be a bridge between him and Europe. She was the only
European leader at his inauguration, matched his hostility toward liberal
ideals, befriended Elon Musk and seemed eager to land the role.
Instead, as
tensions between Europe and Washington escalate, she finds herself caught in
the middle, balancing her ideological affinity with Mr. Trump with the need for
Italy to help bolster the continent’s security and economy.
It is not
clear that Mr. Trump, who is openly antagonistic toward Europe, wants a bridge.
In addition, the leaders of Britain and France, both outweighing Italy as
nuclear powers, have sought the role of liaison between Europe and the White
House for themselves.
As Europe
ratchets up military spending and girds for a potential trade war, Ms. Meloni
continues to preach pragmatism while trying to avoid choosing sides. The
balancing act could become harder to sustain.
Each new
crisis with Mr. Trump — over a possible peace deal with Russia, over NATO, over
tariffs — further underscores Ms. Meloni’s eroding middle position, analysts
said.
“She is
cleverly not taking sides until she is obliged to do it and hoping that she is
never obliged to do it,” said Giovanni Orsina, the head of the political
science department at Luiss Guido Carli University in Rome.
But he
added, “If the Atlantic alliance gets into greater stress and there is a
distancing between the U.S. and Europe, this position will be more difficult to
hold.”
Once a
fringe firebrand with political roots in a party born from the ashes of
fascism, Ms. Meloni has cast herself as a credible leader in Europe, largely
thanks to her unwavering support for Ukraine and NATO.
Domestically,
she has thrown occasional bones to her hard-line base, including by introducing
a “universal” ban on surrogacy, while simultaneously steering a conservative
fiscal policy that allayed the worst fears of European leaders. Some called
that pragmatism, while others accused her of “doppiezza,” Italian for
“duplicity.”
On the
international stage, Ms. Meloni has become a bundle of contradictions: an
Italian nationalist seemingly in tune with Mr. Trump’s hard-right international
movement leading a country whose lot is inextricably tied to the fate of
Europe.
In the past
couple of months, her main tool in not alienating either Washington or Europe
was a studied silence, or when that proved impossible, anodyne calls for the
West to maintain its strength through its traditional unity.
Now, she
increasingly tries to have it both ways.
Ms. Meloni’s
comments to the Italian Senate before a late March summit of European leaders
in Brussels were some of her most extensive about the multiple controversies
stirred up by Mr. Trump and his administration.
A staunch
supporter of Ukraine, Ms. Meloni endorsed Mr. Trump’s effort to negotiate a
cease-fire, calling it “a first significant step in a path that must lead to a
just and lasting peace for Ukraine.”
But while
she has upheld her commitment to providing security guarantees to Ukraine, she
has been less vocally supportive of President Volodymyr Zelensky of Ukraine.
After he was
berated by Mr. Trump and Vice President JD Vance in the Oval Office in early
March, she did not, like other European leaders, rebuke the president and
express her support for Mr. Zelensky. Instead, Ms. Meloni responded to the
fiery exchange by calling for a U.S.-Europe summit. No such meeting occurred.
She has
criticized the response of some European leaders to the Trump administration as
“a bit too political” and suggested that it is “childish” to expect Italy to
have to chose between Europe and the United States. While Italy would gladly
help Europe avoid a confrontation, she said in an interview with The Financial
Times published on Friday: “I’m not interested in saying, ‘I’m the one in the
middle, I’m a protagonist.’ Not now. The stakes are too high.”
Unlike
France and Britain, which have led the effort to organize a European force for
Ukraine, Italy rejected the idea of deploying its troops.
As Mr. Trump
threatens to withdraw the U.S. commitment to Europe, Italy has largely backed
the idea that Europe must invest in rearming. Although Ms. Meloni has described
the United States as Italy’s closest ally, Rome’s relatively low military
spending might create friction with Mr. Trump. It falls below the 2 percent of
gross domestic product required by NATO guidelines, not to mention the 5
percent pushed by Washington. One of her coalition partners adamantly opposes
any increase.
On tariffs,
Ms. Meloni has called for moderation and negotiation. She warned that
retaliatory tariffs could set off a “vicious circle” in which everyone loses,
driving up inflation and restricting economic growth.
“I am
convinced that we need to work concretely and with pragmatism to find common
ground and avoid a trade war that would not benefit anyone,” Ms. Meloni said in
Parliament.
For now, Ms.
Meloni’s relations with Mr. Trump and his team seem good, even if no White
House visit has been announced.
Mr. Trump
praised Ms. Meloni in late February, calling her “a wonderful woman” and noting
that “Italy has got very strong leadership.” Ms. Meloni reposted Mr. Trump’s
comments on X.
In turn, she
has lauded both Mr. Trump and Mr. Vance, as she did in a live address by video
at the annual CPAC conference near Washington, where she has been a regular
speaker for years. She underscored their shared political agenda and
characterized Mr. Trump’s re-election as a major development in the rise of
global conservatism.
How long her
balancing act can last is the question dogging her.
In the
seaside town of Viareggio, Italy, the spectacular annual carnival parade is
famous for political satire. This year one float featured a 50-foot statue of
the prime minister. The float’s creator, Alessandro Avanzini, had dressed the
figure of Ms. Meloni in a pink suit jacket, swaying inside a pair of oversize
gray jodhpurs of the kind once favored by the fascist dictator Benito
Mussolini.
Mr. Avanzini
said that he had left it deliberately unclear whether Ms. Meloni was donning
the jodhpurs or shedding them. Various spectators said that accurately
reflected the current political discussion in Italy surrounding the ambiguity
at which the prime minister excels.
“She is very
clever at understanding when she has to wear them,” said Stefania Giusti, 48,
an agricultural project manager.
“When she is
meeting Trump, she puts them on, but when she goes to Brussels, she takes them
off,” Ms. Giusti said. “But I do not think that she can go on like this for
long.”
Elizabeth
Djinis and Virginia DiGaetano contributed reporting.
Neil
MacFarquhar has been a Times reporter since 1995, writing about a range of
topics from war to politics to the arts, both internationally and in the United
States. More about Neil MacFarquhar
Emma Bubola
is a Times reporter based in Rome. More about Emma Bubola
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