The
Guardian view on peace in Gaza: the relief is real, but Trump’s promise of a
‘golden age’ rings hollow
Editorial
Hostage
and prisoner releases are bringing joy to families. But there is no guarantee
that the ceasefire will end Palestinian suffering
Mon 13
Oct 2025 19.46 CEST
The
reprieve brought by the end of fighting in Gaza is immense. In Israel, the
release of the living hostages has led to widespread elation. In Gaza and the
West Bank there are also celebrations, as up to 2,000 Palestinian detainees
start to be released – though there is distress, too, due to uncertainty about
who is being freed and where they will be sent. In northern Gaza, people can
finally return to dig through rubble for the remains of an estimated 10,000
missing people.
As
recently as three weeks ago, the likelihood of a ceasefire appeared remote. But
it has taken effect, and on Monday Donald Trump travelled from Jerusalem, where
he was cheered in the Knesset, to Sharm el-Sheikh in Egypt. There, he joined a
high-powered peace summit of more than 20 world leaders, including Sir Keir
Starmer. The plan for peace begun there is due to be continued at a conference
in the UK. The US president, acting with international partners, did make this
deal happen – despite, not because of, Israel’s prime minister Benjamin
Netanyahu.
Hopes
that the deal marks the first step toward Palestinian statehood are
understandable – but, given historical precedent, somewhat optimistic. It
offers no clear path to sovereignty for Palestinians and risks splitting, for
the foreseeable future, Gaza from the West Bank. Then there is the utter
devastation this war leaves behind. The lack of any timeline for Palestinian
self-determination in Mr Trump’s plan gives the lie to vainglorious references,
in his Knesset speech, to the “historic dawn” of a “golden age”.
The US
president could not help himself polarising and personalising the deal in his
speech. In a moment of relief – with the hostage release, ceasefire and
resumption of aid – he chose to recast it as a morality play in which he alone
restored Israel’s honour after supposed betrayal by former US presidents Obama
and Biden. This despite the Biden administration a year ago having attempted a
similar deal: a ceasefire tied to humanitarian access and eventual political
talks.
A plan
that denies one side meaningful agency cannot yield legitimate peace. The
ceasefire and aid trucks are to be welcomed. But this is not yet political
progress. Without mechanisms guaranteeing Palestinian participation and control
over their own institutions, any deal risks freezing subjugation under the
language of peace.
Gaza’s
people desperately need humanitarian aid – and food and medicines must be the
first priority. But reconstruction cannot wait. Amid 60m tonnes of rubble,
Palestinians need help restoring homes, schools, hospitals, mosques and other
institutions shattered by Israel’s invasion. For Gaza’s transitional
administration to succeed, funding must flow quickly and security gaps be
filled. Like much of Mr Trump’s peace plan, references to an international
stabilisation force and a proposed “board of peace”, with Sir Tony Blair, are
alarmingly vague.
Strong
international support for the Palestinian Authority, enabling it to take over
from Hamas, is probably the most promising possibility. The enormous suffering
of the past two years means the moral case for a resolution to the conflict is
arguably more urgent than ever. But while the ceasefire, the return of the
hostages and commitment by Hamas to “demilitarise” Gaza should be acknowledged
as positive steps, Mr Trump’s record gives little reason to believe he will
deliver – or feel bound to try. Short-term relief does not mean that the
prospect of a Palestinian state has been brought closer.
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