Both
Parties Are Resigned to Deadlock as Shutdown Takes Hold
Republicans,
who hold a governing trifecta, have adopted a mostly passive stance while
Democrats dig in for a fight, with both feeling they have the political upper
hand.
Annie
Karni
By Annie
Karni
Reporting
from Washington
https://www.nytimes.com/2025/10/05/us/politics/parties-deadlock-shutdown.html
Oct. 5,
2025
At the
White House, President Trump is posting A.I.-generated memes about the
government shutdown, depicting his wonky budget director dressed as the Grim
Reaper and ready to visit death on the federal bureaucracy.
In the
Senate, Democrats show no sign of backing down from their demands in the
shutdown fight, while Senator John Thune, Republican of South Dakota and the
majority leader, has given verbal shrugs to reporters who ask about the status
of his nonexistent negotiations with the other party about how to bring the
crisis to an end.
“I don’t
know that there’s a lot to sort out,” Mr. Thune said on MSNBC on Friday, before
sending senators home for the weekend.
And in
the House, Speaker Mike Johnson has canceled votes for this week, telling his
members they could stay home for the third straight week given the shutdown
logjam.
With Mr.
Trump and lawmakers having made no progress on a deal that would reopen the
government, one thing was clear as the shutdown headed into its second
workweek: There was little sense of urgency in Washington about cleaning up a
mess that has thousands of federal workers facing furloughs and possible
layoffs, and could disrupt critical federal programs.
It all
reflects the reality of two parties so convinced that they have the political
advantage in their partisan battle that a shutdown has seemed inevitable for
weeks, and a quick resolution feels out of reach.
Republicans
who hold a governing trifecta have adopted a mostly passive posture in the
shutdown fight, insisting that Democrats accept their short-term government
funding bill without concessions.
Staring
down the shutdown deadline, they did not even bother engaging in the typical
political theater that often precedes such time-crunch crises on Capitol Hill.
In shutdown showdowns past, lawmakers worked late into the evening or the early
hours of the morning to at least appear as if they were doing everything
possible to head off disaster. This time around, Mr. Thune did not keep the
Senate in session much past the dinner hour last Tuesday after a pair of failed
votes made it clear that Congress would surely miss the midnight deadline for
funding the government.
The
weekend break was more evidence that they felt little pressure to reassure
Americans they were on the job and working hard to break the logjam. Mr.
Trump’s trolling has only underscored the blasé attitude.
It was
not always like this.
“In 2013,
the shutdown felt big, novel, even extreme,” said Brendan Buck, who served as a
top adviser to former Speakers John A. Boehner and Paul D. Ryan, both
Republicans.
That
year, amid a bitter budget standoff over President Barack Obama’s health care
law, Republicans shut down the government for the first time in two decades.
The ordeal carried with it a sense of fear and urgency. Mr. Obama himself
appeared in the White House briefing room to appeal for a last-minute deal as
the clock ticked toward the midnight deadline. The shutdown lasted 16 days.
Ahead of
the government shutdown in 2018 over Mr. Trump’s demand for border wall
funding, the Senate did not adjourn until 1:30 a.m. on Sunday, the day that
funding was set to lapse. Then senators worked through the rest of the weekend
trying to forge an agreement that could reopen the government before the
workweek began. They failed, and the shutdown lasted 35 days, the longest in
history.
This
time, there was no midnight oil burned, no bipartisan talks, no presidential
appearances to make final pleas, and there is no apparent desire to change that
anytime soon.
“We’ve
learned since then that shutdowns have pretty minimal political impact and the
economy barely feels it,” said Mr. Buck, who worked through the 2013 shutdown.
“When it doesn’t feel like there are a ton of consequences, it’s easy for the
theater to displace the urgency.”
Former
Representative Patrick McHenry, the North Carolina Republican who helped steer
the House away from a shutdown in 2023, predicted that the gridlock would
continue until lawmakers felt more consequences from their voters for doing
nothing. He compared it to a professional wrestling match, where both sides
need to force the opposition to submit.
“It’s not
good will that brings policymakers together,” Mr. McHenry said. “It’s pain.
There’s no urgency until the political pain increases.”
That may
not come for a few weeks. Active-duty military service members will miss their
first check on Oct. 15, unless lawmakers find a way to fund the government
before that. Federal employees who were furloughed last week are set to miss
their first full paycheck this week.
Until
then, the only political pressure that seemed to be driving any decisions on
Capitol Hill was the energy from the base that was giving Democrats more
gumption to hold out.
More than
80 percent of voters want to extend the Affordable Care Act tax credits that
Democrats are demanding must be part of any spending deal before they will
allow it to move, according to a new poll from KFF.
On
Friday, Democrats tried to imbue a sense of the real-world consequences to the
lackluster proceedings.
“He
thinks this is funny,” Senator Amy Klobuchar, Democrat of Minnesota, said of
the president. “He thinks people are going to joke about this. I promise you,
they are not.”
Senator
Brian Schatz, Democrat of Hawaii, said that people were already getting letters
warning them of increases in their health care payments.
“We are
perfectly willing and capable of doing bipartisan compromises,” said Mr.
Schatz, who in March voted with Republicans to keep the government open. “We
need a dance partner. We are sitting here saying, ‘We are willing to solve this
problem with you. You have to sit down and work with us to solve this urgent
health care crisis.’”
At the
same time, Mr. Trump appears to feel he paid no lasting political price for
overseeing the longest shutdown in history during his first term.
“A lot of
good can come down from shutdowns,” he told
reporters in the Oval Office last week. On social media, the president went
further. “I can’t believe the Radical Left Democrats gave me this unprecedented
opportunity,” he wrote.
Republicans, for their part, have taken to
accusing Senator Chuck Schumer, Democrat of New York and the minority leader,
of holding government funding hostage to appease restive liberal voters and
protect his own job.
“Chuck Schumer is afraid that the Marxist
far-left corner of his base is going to challenge him in New York,” Mr. Johnson
said on Friday.
Yet it was not clear what Republicans planned to
do to try to change Mr. Schumer’s calculus and extract the eight Democratic
votes they would need to reopen the government.
On Friday afternoon, Mr. Thune and Mr. Schumer
could be seen chatting casually on the Senate floor as they voted for the
fourth time on the same pair of dueling short-term government funding bills
that once again did not have the votes to move ahead.
But there was no plan for a more formal meeting.
They left the Capitol for the weekend prepared to pick up right where they left
off on Monday: nowhere.
Annie Karni is a congressional correspondent for
The Times.
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