OPINION
The Qatar scandal shows how the EU has a
corruption problem
Here’s what can be done about it.
BY ALBERTO
ALEMANNO
DECEMBER
11, 2022 4:03 AM CET
Alberto
Alemanno is the Jean Monnet Professor of European Union Law at HEC Paris and
founder of The Good Lobby, a non-profit committed to equalize access to power.
Whatever
its final outcome, the Qatar “corruption” scandal has unveiled an inconvenient,
and for most Europeans already obvious, truth. Money does buy influence in the
EU.
Today’s
outrage, in which a current MEP and a former MEP are reportedly accused by the
Belgian police of participating in illicit lobbying activities on behalf of
Qatar, is just the latest in a series of influence scandals to ripple through
the EU capital.
Before
Qatargate, there were revolving door cases of former members of the Commission
such as José Manuel Barroso and Neelie Kroes, MEPs such as Sharon Bowles and
Holger Krahmer, or staff members such as Adam Farkas and Aura Salla. While none
of these episodes come close to the allegations being made today, they did in
their times put the spotlight on how the current EU ethics oversight system
falls short of reducing the risk of unethical behavior.
This week’s
revelation also highlights another uncomfortable fact: The weakest link in the
EU’s integrity system is the European Parliament, simply because of its lax
rules and irregular enforcement.
To begin
with, members of the Parliament are allowed to have side jobs (one-quarter of
the bloc’s 705 MEPs declared to do so), and their conduct remains accountable
only to their colleagues. Given the proportion of MEPs taking advantage of this
lenience, it’s no surprise that even the few investigations that are carried
out result in ethical violations going unpunished.
Then
there’s the fact that MEPs are not required to declare all their meetings.
Whistleblowing is also de facto discouraged, given that parliamentary
assistants who aren’t trusted by their MEP won’t get much work.
Together,
the Parliament’s ethical insouciance has produced a culture of impunity that
doesn’t just harm EU citizens’ trust in democratic institutions, but also
undermines the bloc’s interests as it results in behavior that is in opposition
to its stated values during a time of unprecedented geopolitical
realignment.
All this is
why the Parliament must harness this latest integrity scandal into an effort at
real reform. Rather than once again limiting themselves to bashing the
political party directly involved in the current scandal, the EU’s political
leaders must immediately announce a major rehaul of the bloc’s ethics and
lobbying system.
Here are
four reforms that would be a good start.
First, the
EU institutions should establish a common, independent ethics authority,
endowed with sufficient resources, investigation and sanction capacities. This
is what European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen pledged when entering
office but failed to follow through on. Moreover, the proposal put forward by
the European Parliament has been severely criticized by the EU Commission’s
legal service, which took instead a very cautionary yet largely unfounded
stance.
Second, the
rules in force on transparency, conflicts of interest and revolving doors in
the European institutions (in particular the codes of conduct of the
institutions) must be strengthened by imposing reporting obligations for all
members of the European Parliament. While the Parliament’s ruling Bureau has
long opposed such an obligation in the name of the freedom of their electoral
mandate, MEPs must now accept to report all their meetings as an opportunity to
demonstrate their actual freedom from special interests.
Third,
lobbying from third countries — be it by embassies or third parties — must also
be published in the EU Transparency Register. Right now, governments are
exempted from the EU’s already meager transparency rules. Likewise, meetings
with representatives of third countries should be disclosed by all EU
institutions, including by individual MEPs.
Fourth, the
EU Transparency Register must become mandatory through the adoption of a
legislative act — as opposed to a mere inter-institutional agreement — and be
strengthened by additional resources. Ultimately, we need a clear commitment
from all institutions to only accept meetings with registered lobbyists and to
publish all lobby meetings on a central website that is linked to the common EU
transparency register.
The scandal
taking place is an ugly one. Its very ugliness should motivate the EU’s
political leaders to finally make things right.

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