A few bad apples or a whole rotten barrel?
Brussels wrestles with corruption scandal
Some EU officials are adamant the Qatar corruption
probe concerns ‘a few individuals.’ Others say the rot goes much deeper.
So far, police inquiries launched by Belgian
prosecutor Michel Claise have landed four people in jail, including Parliament
Vice President Eva Kaili |
BY NICHOLAS
VINOCUR AND NICOLAS CAMUT
DECEMBER
13, 2022 4:00 AM CET
As Belgian
police launched a second wave of raids on the European Parliament, a stunned
Brussels elite has started to grapple with an uncomfortable question at the
heart of the Qatar bribery investigation: Just how deep does the rot go?
So far,
police inquiries launched by Belgian prosecutor Michel Claise have landed four
people in jail, including Parliament Vice President Eva Kaili, on charges of
corruption, money laundering and participation in a criminal organization.
After the
initial shock of those arrests wore off, several Parliament officials told
POLITICO they believed the allegations would be limited to a “few individuals”
who had gone astray by allegedly accepting hundreds of thousands of euros in
cash from Qatari interests.
But that
theory was starting to unravel by Monday evening, as Belgian police carried out
another series of raids on Parliament offices just as lawmakers were gathering
in Strasbourg, one of European Parliament’s two sites, for their first meeting
after news of the arrests broke on Friday.
With 19
residences and offices searched — in addition to Parliament — six people
arrested and sums of at least around €1 million recovered, some EU officials
and activists said they believed more names would be drawn into the widening
dragnet — and that the Qatar bribery scandal was symptomatic of a much deeper
and more widespread problem with corruption not just in the European
Parliament, but across all the EU institutions.
In
Parliament, lax oversight of members’ financial activities and the fact that states
were able to contact them without ever logging the encounters in a public
register amounts to a recipe for corruption, these critics argued.
Beyond the
Parliament, they pointed to the revolving door of senior officials who head off
to serve private interests after a stint at the European Commission or Council
as proof that tougher oversight of institutions is in order. Others invoked the
legacy of the Jacques Santer Commission — which resigned en masse in 1998 — as
proof that no EU institution is immune from illegal influence.
“The courts
will determine who is guilty, but what’s certain is that it’s not just Qatar,
and it’s not just the individuals who have been named who are involved” in
foreign influence operations, Raphaël Glucksmann, a French lawmaker from the
Socialists and Democrats, who heads a committee against foreign interference in
Parliament, told POLITICO in Strasbourg.
Michiel van
Hulten, a former lawmaker who now heads Transparency International’s EU office,
said that while egregious cases of corruption involving bags of cash were rare,
“it’s quite likely that there are names in this scandal that we haven’t heard
from yet. There is undue influence on a scale we haven’t seen so far. It
doesn’t need to involve bags of cash. It can involve trips to far-flung
destinations paid for by foreign organizations — and in that sense there is a
more widespread problem.”
Adding to
the problem was the fact that Parliament has no built-in protections for
internal whistleblowers, despite having voted in favor of such protections for
EU citizens, he added. Back in 1998, it was a whistleblower denouncing
mismanagement in the Santer Commission who precipitated a mass resignation of
the EU executive.
Glucksmann
also called for “extremely profound reforms” to a system that allows lawmakers
to hold more than one job, leaves oversight of personal finances up to a
self-regulating committee staffed by lawmakers, and gives state actors access
to lawmakers without having to register their encounters publicly.
“If
Parliament wants to get out of this, we’ll have to hit hard and undertake
extremely profound reforms,” added Glucksmann, who previously named Russia,
Georgia and Azerbaijan as countries that have sought to influence political
decisions in the Parliament.
To start
addressing the problem, Glucksmann called for an ad hoc investigative committee
to be set up in Parliament, while other left-wing and Greens lawmakers have
urged reforms including naming an anti-corruption vice president to replace
Kaili, who was expelled from the S&D group late Monday, and setting up an
ethics committee overseeing all EU institutions.
Glass
half-full
Others,
however, were less convinced that the corruption probe would turn up new names,
or that the facts unveiled last Friday spoke to any wider problem in the EU.
Asked about the extent of the bribery scandal, one senior Parliament official
who asked not to be named in order to discuss confidential deliberations said:
“As serious as this is, it’s a matter of individuals, of a few people who made
very bad decisions. The investigation and arrests show that our systems and
procedures have worked.”
Valérie
Hayer, a French lawmaker with the centrist Renew group, struck a similar note,
saying that while she was deeply concerned about a “risk for our democracy”
linked to foreign interference, she did not believe that the scandal pointed to
“generalized corruption” in the EU. “Unfortunately, there are bad apples,” she
said.
European
Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, who’s under fire over her handling
of COVID-19 vaccination deals with Pfizer, declined to answer questions about
her Vice President Margaritis Schinas’ relations with Qatar at a press
briefing, triggering fury from the Brussels press corps.
The Greek
commissioner represented the EU at the opening ceremony of the World Cup last
month, and has been criticized by MEPs over his tweets in recent months,
lavishing praise on Qatar’s labor reforms.
European
Commission Vice President Margaritis Schinas | Aris Oikonomou/AFP via Getty
Images
Asked about
the Commission’s response to the Qatar corruption scandal engulfing the
European Parliament, and in particular the stance of Schinas, von der Leyen was
silent on the Greek commissioner.
Von der
Leyen did, however, appear to lend support to the creation of an independent
ethics body that could investigate wrongdoing across all EU bodies.
“These
rules [on lobbying by state actors] are the same in all three EU institutions,”
said the senior Parliament official, referring to the European Commission,
Parliament and the European Council, the roundtable of EU governments.
The split
over how to address corruption shows how even in the face of what appears to be
an egregious example of corruption, members of the Brussels system — comprised
of thousands of well-paid bureaucrats and elected officials, many of whom enjoy
legal immunity as part of their jobs — seeks to shield itself against scrutiny
that could threaten revenue or derail careers.

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