Italy’s
far-right jolts back from dead
Matteo
Salvini embraces Lepenism to rebuild Northern League.
By GIULIA
PARAVICINI 2/3/16, 5:30 AM CET
ROME — When Matteo
Salvini took over the leadership of the Northern League at the end of
2013, Italian politicians and the media said his job would be to
officiate at the party’s funeral. Two years later, it is back from
the near dead — and stronger than ever.
Whether you credit
the refugee crisis, the Marine Le Pen bandwagon or what party
insiders prefer to call the #effettoSalvini (the Salvini effect), the
party that sank to an historic low of 4 percent in the 2013 election
— below the threshold for seats in the Senate — now has 16-17
percent support in nationwide polls.
That means if an
election took place tomorrow — always a risk in Italy, even though
Prime Minister Matteo Renzi is only halfway through his four-year
term — the League could team up with Silvio Berlusconi’s Forza
Italia, which gets 11 percent in the same polls, and the small,
right-wing Fratelli d’Italia (5 percent) to put together a possible
ruling coalition.
Renzi’s
center-left Democratic Party (PD) stands at 30.8 percent in polls,
but may lack natural allies to be able to stay in power. The 5-Star
Movement is at 27.6 percent, but there is virtually zero chance that
its leader, the comedian-turned-politician Beppe Grillo, would risk
his anti-establishment credentials by helping Renzi stay in power.
“We are creating
an alternative coalition to Renzi, one not limited to the
center-right. I think categories of Right and Left are a little
outdated — especially since Renzi has very little of the Left,”
Salvini said in an interview.
The party’s aim is
to build support from Italians “who don’t recognize themselves in
Renzi or the 5-Star Movement,” added Massimiliano Fedriga, a League
leader in the lower house of parliament.
Founded as a
separatist, “anti-politics” movement in the early 1990s, the
League campaigned for independence for a northern Italian region it
called Padania, meaning the country of the river Po. Its outspoken
founder Umberto Bossi promised to free putatively hard-working
northerners from subsidizing lazy southerners known by the pejorative
term terroni.
Under the slogan
Roma ladrona (Thieving Rome), it denounced the central government
and party apparatus, in much the same way as today’s nationalist
Euroskeptics, like Le Pen’s National Front, campaign against the EU
bureaucracy in Brussels.
Teaming up with the
Milanese media tycoon Berlusconi, the League became a player in
national politics — albeit a fickle partner for Berlusconi —
before the Bossi clan’s leadership was subsumed by corruption
scandals.
The infotainers
Nothing illustrates
how much the League has changed, and evolved into a serious threat to
Renzi, like its recent successes beyond Padania. While there have
been occasional southern offshoots before, like a Northern League
deputy mayor on the island of Lampedusa in the Mediterranean, under
Salvini’s leadership the party has challenged Renzi on his home
turf in Tuscany.
In regional
elections last May, the League took 20 percent of the vote in
Tuscany, a traditional leftist stronghold. This was a personal
affront for the prime minister, who rose to political prominence as
mayor of the regional capital city Florence.
“Tuscany is the
proof that the days are over when we were labeled as a crazy
far-right party,” said 42-year-old Salvini, who joined the League
at the age of 17 and quickly styled himself the “dauphin.”
Elected to the European Parliament in 2004, he eventually challenged
the ailing Bossi for the leadership in 2013, winning 80 percent of
party delegates’ votes.
Sporting a diamond
earring in the green livery of the Northern League and picking fights
with the prime minister at every opportunity, Salvini has some things
in common with Renzi: Both portray themselves as “new blood” in
party politics and both are eager for publicity, be it talk shows,
social media or glossy magazines. Renzi has appeared dressed as
Fonzie from the TV series “Happy Days,” while Salvini appeared on
one cover wearing absolutely nothing but a green Northern League tie.
Both politicians are
adept at using “the language of so-called infotainment,” said
Marco Tarchi, professor of political science at the University of
Florence.
The secret of the
League’s new-found success, according to Tarchi, lies in “its
competitors’ total neglect of issues that are deeply important to a
significant proportion of the electorate, especially the less wealthy
ones.”
Its captive vote
includes “those who would like to stop the spread of a progressive
and cosmopolitan worldview; those who feel uncomfortable with
multi-ethnicity and with living with foreigners, as well as
homosexual unions,” said Tarchi.
Fedriga, the League
MP, gives the example of defending Italian pensioners: once the
domain of the Left, he said, parties like the PD are “too busy to
care about it.”
For political
scientist Ilvo Diamanti, the League owes its revival to what he calls
Lepenism — “the leverage on nationalism that responds to the
fears generated by the economic crisis and global insecurity and in
parallel, the growing pressure of migration.”
Cat attack
Salvini dabbles in
xenophobia and opposes same-sex marriage (as do many centrist and
conservative Catholics in Italy). He criticized Pope Francis when the
Catholic leader promoted dialogue with Muslims.
“If
Renzi wants to form a common front against Brussels, the Northern
League is willing to be his ally.”
He once called Renzi
an “accomplice” in what he portrays as an invasion by illegal
immigrants, citing the prime minister’s opposition to closing
Italy’s borders and suspending the EU’s passport-free Schengen
area. On membership of the European Union, Salvini says he is
“envious of the Brits who will decide in a referendum whether to
leave the EU or not.”
Salvini, who has
called Europe a failed experiment and the euro a crime against
humanity, shares some rhetorical common ground with Renzi, who is
currently battling with Brussels and EU leaders over the cost of
dealing with the refugee crisis as well as other issues.
“If Renzi wants to
form a common front against Brussels, the Northern League is willing
to be his ally,” Salvini told POLITICO, outlining a vision of a
Europe that “does a few things but does them well — that deals
with immigration and foreign policy but not with agriculture, and
does not grant membership to Albania, Kosovo and Turkey.”
Such sentiment
aligns the League closely with Le Pen’s National Front and other
far-right European parties, who last week gathered in Milan for a
conference, hosted by Salvini, of a new group in the European
Parliament, the Europe of Nations and Freedom. Its 38 MEPs from
groups such as the National Front, the Dutch and Austrian Freedom
Parties and Belgium’s Vlaams Belang see the refugee crisis and
related security concerns as an opportunity to move from the
political fringe to real power.
“The Le
Pen-Salvini axis is a powerful one, both in political and media
terms,” said Marco Centinaio, the Northern League’s leader in the
Italian Senate.
During the meeting,
Salvini posted a selfie on Facebook with far-right leaders including
Le Pen and the Netherlands’ Geert Wilders with the caption: “We
will not surrender to the clandestine invasion.”
Such rhetoric has
earned him enemies. Last year, the activists Anonymous hacked his
Facebook page and, on another occasion, his social media pages were
bombarded with thousands of cat photos and the hashtag
#gattinisusalvini (kitten on Salvini).
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