Analysis
Trump,
war, absent media: five threats to climate progress that dogged Cop30
Jonathan
Watts
in Belém
Did the
talks succeed or fail? The verdict must take account of the geopolitical
minefield they took place in
Sun 23
Nov 2025 11.21 CET
https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2025/nov/23/cop30-talks-climate-progress-five-threats
Cop30 in
Belém wrapped up on Saturday night more than 24 hours later than planned, and
with an Amazonian rainstorm thundering down on the conference centre. The
United Nations structure just about held, as it has done these past three weeks
despite fire, savage tropical heat and blistering political attacks on the
multilateral system of global environmental governance.
Dozens of
agreements were gavelled through on the final day, as the most collective form
of humanity worked to resolve the most complex and dangerous challenge that our
species has ever faced. It was chaotic. The process very nearly collapsed and
had to be rescued by last-ditch talks that lasted into the early morning.
Veteran observers told me the Paris agreement was on life-support.
But it
survived. For now at least. The outcome was not nearly enough to limit global
heating to 1.5C. There was a considerable shortfall of the finance needed for
adaptation by the countries worst affected by extreme weather. The importance
of rainforest protection barely got a mention even though this was the first
climate summit in the Amazon. And the power balance in the world is still so
skewed towards gas, oil and coal interests that there was not even a single
mention of “fossil fuels” in the main agreement.
Yet, for
all these flaws, Belém opened up new avenues of discussion on how to reduce
dependency on petrochemicals, it increased the scope of participation by
Indigenous groups and scientists, it made strides towards stronger policies on
a just transition to a clean energy future, and crowbarred the wallets of
wealthy nations to be a little more open. A debate is now raging as to whether
Cop30 was a success, a failure or a fudge. But any judgment needs to take into
account the geopolitical minefield in which these talks took place. Here are
five threats that will have to be avoided at next year’s climate summit in
Turkey.
1. Global
leadership vacuum
The US
walked out. China failed to step up. Many of the problems that beset the talks
could have been avoided if these two climate superpowers (the world’s biggest
historical emitter and the world’s biggest current emitter) were able to
coordinate a shared approach as they used to do before Donald Trump came to
power. Instead, Trump has attacked climate science, cursed the United Nations
and staged a summit in Washington with the Saudi Arabian crown prince, Mohammed
bin Salman Al Saud. Little wonder Saudi Arabia felt emboldened at Cop30 to
stymie any mention of fossil fuels, even though language on this was agreed at
Cop28 in Dubai. China, by contrast, was present in Belém and geared towards
helping its Brics partner, Brazil, to stage a successful conference. But its
advisers made clear that China did want to fill US shoes when it came to
finance, nor to lead alone on any issue beyond the manufacture and sale of
renewable energy products.
2.
Divided Brazil, divided world
Among the
key fractures in global politics today is that of the relationship between
extraction and conservation interests. One wants to endlessly expand
agricultural frontiers, dig ever deeper for minerals and ignore the toll on
forests and oceans. The other says such activities are breaking planetary
boundaries with ever more catastrophic consequences for the climate, nature and
human health. This division is evident across the world. It was also apparent
at Cop30, where the Brazilian hosts sometimes seemed to send mixed messages,
according to observers from Asia, Europe and Latin America. While the
environment secretary, Marina Silva, was the driving force in pushing for a
roadmap away from fossil fuels and deforestation, the Brazilian foreign
ministry – which has spent decades promoting agribusiness and oil exports – was
far more hesitant and needed prompting by the president, Luiz Inácio Lula da
Silva. The Amazon rainforest appeared to have been a victim of this, getting
only one brief and vague mention in the main negotiating text.
3.
European parsimony and the rise of the far right
Europe
has often presented itself as a leader on climate action, but it was heavily
criticised at Cop30 for lagging on promises of climate finance to developing
countries. It too was woefully divided, partly due to the rise of the far right
in many countries. As a result, the European Union had to delay its updated
nationally determined contribution (NDC) climate plan and only decided halfway
through the Belém conference that it would make a fossil fuel transition
roadmap one of its negotiating “red lines”. This was incompetent at best,
because such major issues needed far more advance coordination. Little surprise
that many global south participants were suspicious that this sudden conversion
to the roadmap was a ruse or a bargaining chip to delay action on adaptation
finance.
4. Global
conflicts sapping money and attention
Conflicts
in Gaza, Ukraine, Sudan and elsewhere overshadowed this conference, shifting
priorities for government resources and media coverage. European politicians
said their budgets had shifted towards re-arming in response to the rising
threat posed by Russia. As a result, they have slashed overseas development aid
and it becomes an ever more difficult challenge to allocate funds for climate
finance. At one time, that might have provoked an outcry, given polls showing
the vast majority of people in the world want their governments to do more to
address the climate crisis. But it is increasingly hard for the public in many
countries to know what is happening in climate talks. None of the four major US
networks sent a team to Belém. Reporters from British and European broadcasters
were present, but many said it was hard for them to get space in news
programmes for their stories. This feels defeatist and contrasts with the
incredible positive energy on the streets and rivers of Belém.
5. Rusty,
cranky global decision-making
The
United Nations, which turns 80 next year, is showing its age. Consensus
decision-making at Cop means any country can veto almost any decision. That
might have made sense when cold war politics were a global priority, but it is
inadequate now humanity faces an existential threat to its planetary home. As
at previous Cop gatherings, frustrations about this – particularly among small
island states – were glaringly apparent at Cop30. Dozens of high-ambition
nations led by Colombia issued their own Belém declaration and announced plans
to hold a parallel process on phasing out fossil fuels, which will have a first
conference in Santa Marta, Colombia next April. The organisers say this aims to
complement rather than replace the UN process, but it could also widen the gap
between major fossil fuel producers and those who champion renewables. On the
political level, that might be an inevitable break, but the global economy is
increasingly moving towards renewable power, which is now cheaper than fossil
fuels, and demographic trends are shifting power to the global south.
Meanwhile, underpinning everything are the unrelenting physics of the climate
crisis, for which there can be no veto. These realities needs to be recognised
by a revamped and more dynamic system of global governance. Or the Paris
agreement may not make it unscathed out of future Cops.
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