Democrats
Pull Away From AIPAC, Reflecting a Broader Shift
A quiet
retreat by Democrats from the pre-eminent pro-Israel lobbying group is the
latest evidence of a realignment underway in Congress on Israel.
Annie
Karni
By Annie
Karni
Reporting
from Washington
Oct. 2,
2025
For 17
years, Representative Hakeem Jeffries, Democrat of New York and the minority
leader, has been taking polite meetings with J Street, the center-left lobbying
group that promotes a two-state solution in the Middle East.
But in
all those years of relationship building, Mr. Jeffries never sought the group’s
endorsement. He was more closely associated with AIPAC, the hard-line
pro-Israel lobbying organization that has long supported him financially, and
has in the past discouraged lawmakers it backs from aligning themselves
formally with a group that holds a different stance on Israel.
That
changed last month, when Mr. Jeffries for the first time was open to and
accepted J Street’s official support. It was a coup for J Street, which is
highly critical of the current Israeli government and seeking to establish
itself as the mainstream voice about Israel on Capitol Hill.
J
Street’s endorsement of Mr. Jeffries attracted little attention on Capitol
Hill, where the group already backs well over half of Democratic members of
Congress and the rest of the House Democratic leadership team.
Mr.
Jeffries is so closely associated with the American Israel Public Affairs
Committee that the radio host Charlamagne Tha God recently mocked him as “AIPAC
Shakur.” So the fact that he would take such a step is a symbol of a broader
sea change occurring in Congress when it comes to Israel and the clout of what
has for decades been the most powerful pro-Israel group in American politics.
(Mr.
Jeffries, in a statement, said that “Charlatan the Fraud has no idea what he’s
talking about, as music industry luminaries like Birdman, Beanie Sigel, Fredro
Starr and NBA YoungBoy have repeatedly made clear.”)
With
American support for the Israeli government’s management of the conflict in
Gaza undergoing a seismic reversal, and Democratic voters’ support for the
Jewish state dropping off steeply, AIPAC is becoming an increasingly toxic
brand for some Democrats on Capitol Hill.
It is the
latest evidence of a realignment underway in Congress on Israel, as Democratic
lawmakers turn away from a decades-old bipartisan consensus on Capitol Hill
around offering unconditional support for the Jewish state.
Some
Democrats who once counted AIPAC among their top donors have in recent weeks
refused to take the group’s donations. Its annual trip to Israel, a formative
experience for many lawmakers that once drew a majority of first-term members,
has seen a drop-off in Democratic attendance. And a majority of the Senate
Democratic Caucus has voted in recent months for legislation opposed by AIPAC
to cut off weapons sales to Israel.
AIPAC has
long been a force on Capitol Hill, able to spend seemingly whatever it took to
defeat lawmakers it viewed as hostile to Israel. Last year, for instance, the
group spent more than $23 million to defeat former Representatives Cori Bush of
Missouri and Jamaal Bowman of New York, two progressives who vocally opposed
unconditional U.S. aid to Israel.
AIPAC
also poured more than $1 million into a Democratic primary in Oregon, boosting
Representative Maxine E. Dexter in her race against Susheela Jayapal, a former
county commissioner and the sister of Representative Pramila Jayapal of
Washington, the former chairwoman of the Congressional Progressive Caucus.
When Ms.
Dexter won, AIPAC crowed about the victory, noting Ms. Dexter’s “anti-Israel
opponent” had been endorsed by Senator Bernie Sanders, independent of Vermont,
and by J Street.
But
public sentiment on the war on Gaza has shifted in the two years since the Oct.
7, 2023, terrorist attack on Israel. And while Democrats increasingly
sympathize with the Palestinians in the conflict, AIPAC has remained
unflinchingly loyal to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel. The group
has framed his military offensive in Gaza as a “just and moral” war against
Hamas, which it says bears exclusive blame for the suffering of civilians
there.
And
Democrats are less willing to align themselves with that position.
Three
Democratic members of Congress who had previously relied on AIPAC as a top
campaign contributor have said over the past few weeks that they would no
longer accept donations from the group: Representatives Morgan McGarvey of
Kentucky, Deborah K. Ross of North Carolina, and Valerie P. Foushee of North
Carolina.
Ms.
Dexter, who relied on AIPAC’s financial support to win her primary last year,
recently said the United States “must halt the transfer of offensive weapons to
Israel and ensure immediate, sufficient and sustained humanitarian aid into
Gaza.” She is also a co-sponsor of the Block the Bombs Act, which seeks to
restrict the sale of specific weapons to Israel until the country meets certain
human rights conditions.
Ms.
Dexter is not on AIPAC’s list of candidates it has endorsed this cycle. A
spokeswoman for Ms. Dexter did not respond to a request for comment.
Jeremy
Ben-Ami, the president of J Street, said the shifts reflected a disconnect
between current views of Israel and AIPAC’s stance.
“We are
at a tipping point given what has happened over the last two years in Gaza, and
the fact that AIPAC still maintains that all we can do is support the
government of Israel — they’ve run into a wall,” Mr. Ben-Ami said in an
interview.
A
spokesman for AIPAC, Marshall Wittmann, said that “the overwhelming majority”
of Democrats continue to understand that being pro-Israel “is both good
politics and good policy.”
But
dwindling Democratic attendance at AIPAC’s summer trip to Israel, which has
long been a rite of passage for new members of Congress in both parties and a
powerful recruiting tool for the organization, illustrates the trend.
The trip,
hosted by the group’s educational arm, helps AIPAC shape the views of members
of Congress on Israel, with some still defending Israel’s conduct of the war
despite the considerable evidence that Israeli strikes are regularly killing
and injuring civilians and that aid cutoffs have led to widespread hunger.
“What we
found is that contrary to world opinion, Israel has been doing everything it
possibly can to ensure that there’s minimal damage to civilians who are not
part of Hamas’s army,” Representative Steny H. Hoyer, Democrat of Maryland and
long an unofficial leader of the junket, said in a video he recorded for AIPAC
during the trip in August.
In the
past, a majority of the first-term Democratic House members would attend. In
2023, for instance, 24 House Democrats, including Mr. Jeffries, traveled with
AIPAC to Israel. That year, there were 34 first-term Democrats.
This
year, just 11 out of the 33 first-term House Democrats attended. Mr. Jeffries,
who regularly made the annual trip, did not go this year. Another seven
Democratic members had committed to the trip in August to the point where AIPAC
purchased and booked their flights to Israel, according to ethics disclosures,
but they ultimately pulled out. And some of the new members who did go received
backlash in their districts for participating in an AIPAC-aligned trip.
The pivot
underway among Democrats in Congress reflects a broader shift in public
opinion. A recent poll from The New York Times and Siena University found that
American support for Israel is crumbling, with voters voicing negative views of
the Israeli government’s management of the conflict.
The trend
has been quietly brewing for some time at the Capitol.
In July,
27 senators in the Democratic caucus — more than half the group — voted with
Mr. Sanders in favor of a resolution to block the sale of assault rifles to
Israel. A slightly smaller group voted for a measure that would have blocked
the sale of some bombs to Israel.
That
number would most likely be higher today. Senator Elissa Slotkin, Democrat of
Michigan, missed the votes but said later that she, too, would have supported
the measures. At least one other mainstream Democrat has said he would consider
doing so as well.
“If there
is no change in direction from the Israeli administration, for the first time I
would seriously consider that,” Senator Chris Coons, Democrat of Delaware, told
Axios at an event at the U.N. General Assembly last week.
Mr.
Wittmann, the AIPAC spokesman, said that a majority of Democrats “understand
that Israel is fighting a just and moral war against Hamas terrorism.” He
declined to comment on Mr. Coons.
Mr.
Wittmann also pointed to a recent House vote in which lawmakers voted
overwhelmingly, 422 to 6, to reject an attempt to cut $500 million in defense
assistance to Israel as a sign that most American lawmakers were still closely
aligned with AIPAC. And he noted that last year, 95 percent of AIPAC-endorsed
Democrats won their races.
Still,
even though it failed spectacularly, the proposal to cut defense assistance to
Israel also reflected a shift underway on the right, with some
anti-interventionist Republicans questioning how supportive the United States
should be. It was offered by Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene, a
hard-right Republican from Georgia, who has referred to the situation in Gaza
as a “genocide.”
AIPAC is
now weighing whether to get involved in a bid to defeat her in her re-election
race next year.
Ms.
Greene represents a key faction of President Trump’s base that is showing signs
of disillusionment with him on a variety of issues, including Israel.
In a
recent appearance on Megyn Kelly’s podcast, Ms. Greene and Ms. Kelly discussed
the pressure they have both received from AIPAC to attend one of the group’s
junkets to Israel, with Ms. Greene saying the trip was AIPAC’s way of appealing
to lawmakers early to ensure that they would fall in line later.
“They
want to pull you in because they want to pull you on their side,” Ms. Greene
said.
Annie
Karni is a congressional correspondent for The Times.


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