The Uber
files
The Uber whistleblower: I’m exposing a system
that sold people a lie
Exclusive: Mark MacGann says he has decided to speak
out about firm to ‘right some fundamental wrongs’
by Paul
Lewis, Harry Davies, Lisa O'Carroll, Simon Goodley and Felicity Lawrence
Mon 11 Jul
2022 16.55 BST
https://www.theguardian.com/news/2022/jul/11/uber-files-whistleblower-lobbyist-mark-macgann
Mark
MacGann, a career lobbyist who led Uber’s efforts to win over governments
across Europe, the Middle East and Africa, has come forward to identify himself
as the source who leaked more than 124,000 company files to the Guardian.
MacGann
decided to speak out, he says, because he believes Uber knowingly flouted laws
in dozens of countries and misled people about the benefits to drivers of the
company’s gig-economy model.
The
52-year-old acknowledges he was part of Uber’s top team at the time – and is
not without blame for the conduct he describes. In an exclusive interview with
the Guardian, he said he was partly motivated by remorse.
“I am
partly responsible,” he said. “I was the one talking to governments, I was the
one pushing this with the media, I was the one telling people that they should
change the rules because drivers were going to benefit and people were going to
get so much economic opportunity.
“When that
turned out not to be the case – we had actually sold people a lie – how can you
have a clear conscience if you don’t stand up and own your contribution to how
people are being treated today?”
The senior
role MacGann held at Uber between 2014 and 2016 put him at the heart of
decisions taken at the highest levels of the company during the period in which
it was forcing its way into markets in violation of taxi-licensing laws. He
oversaw Uber’s attempts to persuade governments to change taxi regulations and
create a more favourable business environment in more than 40 countries.
He said the
ease with which Uber penetrated the highest echelons of power in countries such
as the UK, France and Russia was “intoxicating” but also “deeply unfair” and
“anti-democratic”.
In his
wide-ranging interview, MacGann detailed the personal journey that led him to
leak the data years after leaving Uber.
“I regret
being part of a group of people which massaged the facts to earn the trust of
drivers, of consumers and of political elites,” he said. “I should have shown
more common sense and pushed harder to stop the craziness. It is my duty to
[now] speak up and help governments and parliamentarians right some fundamental
wrongs. Morally, I had no choice in the matter.”
The
Guardian led a global investigation into the leaked Uber files, sharing the
data with media organisations around the world via the International Consortium
of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ).
After
MacGann identified himself as the whistleblower, Uber said: “We understand that
Mark has personal regrets about his years of steadfast loyalty to our previous
leadership, but he is in no position to speak credibly about Uber today.”
Responding
to the wider investigation, Uber acknowledged past failings but insisted the
company had transformed since 2017 under the leadership of its new chief
executive, Dara Khosrowshahi. “We have not and will not make excuses for past
behaviour that is clearly not in line with our present values,” a spokesperson
said.
The Uber
files consists of confidential company data that MacGann had access to at Uber.
It includes company presentations, briefing notes, security reports and tens of
thousands of emails and WhatsApp, iMessage and chat exchanges between the
company’s most senior staff at the time.
They
include Travis Kalanick, Uber’s combative co-founder and then chief executive,
David Plouffe, a former Barack Obama campaign aide who became a senior
vice-president at Uber, and Rachel Whetstone, a British PR executive who has
also held senior roles at Google, Facebook and now Netflix.
When
MacGann departed Uber in 2016, Whetstone described him as “a wonderful leader”.
Plouffe called him a “talented public policy professional” and “terrific
advocate for Uber”.
The
one-time cheerleader-in-chief for Uber in Europe, MacGann now looks set to
become one of its sharpest critics.
Even back then it was dawning on me this was a rogue
company.
Mark MacGann
His profile
as a senior executive and political insider make him an unusual whistleblower.
So, too, does the fact he actively participated in some of the wrongdoing he is
seeking to expose – and the fact it took him more than five years after leaving
the company to speak out.
The process
through which he came to re-evaluate what he witnessed at Uber was a gradual
one, he says. “When I decided I had an obligation to speak up, I then went
about finding the most effective, impactful way in which to do that. Doing what
I am doing isn’t easy, and I hesitated. That said, there’s no statute of
limitations on doing the right thing.”
MacGann is
understood to have recently reached an out-of-court settlement with Uber after
a legal dispute relating to his remuneration. He said he was prohibited from
discussing his legal dispute but acknowledged he had had personal grievances
with the company, which he alleges undervalued his role as an interlocutor with
government and failed in its duty of care to him.
He accuses
Uber under Kalanick’s leadership of adopting a confrontational strategy with
opponents in taxi industries, that left him personally exposed. As a public
face of Uber in Europe, MacGann bore the brunt of what became a fierce backlash
against the company in countries including France, Belgium, Italy and Spain.
Amid
threats to his life, he was given bodyguard protection. His experience of
working at Uber, he says, took a mental toll and contributed to a subsequent
diagnosis of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD).
Brazenly
breaking the law
A Brussels
insider, MacGann was an obvious pick to lead Uber’s government relations in the
Europe, Middle East and Africa (EMEA) region in 2014. Born in Ireland, he
speaks several languages and possessed an impressive contacts book built up
over two decades in lobbying and public affairs.
MacGann had
worked at established public policy firms such as Weber Shandwick and
Brunswick, and had run DigitalEurope, a trade association that advocated for
companies such as Apple, Microsoft and Sony. His most recent job had been as
senior vice-president at the New York Stock Exchange on a salary of $750,000 a
year.
MacGann
took a significant salary cut to work at Uber for €160,000. But like all senior
executives joining the company back then, the financial reward was in the
promise of stock options that could be worth millions if Uber realised its
global ambitions.
Uber and
its investors were eyeing vast returns if the tech company succeeded in its
mission to deregulate markets, monopolise cities, transform transit systems and
one day even replace drivers with autonomous vehicles. The plan, MacGann
acknowledges, required Uber to flout the law in cities in which regulated taxi
markets required hard-to-get licences to drive a cab.
“The
company approach in these places was essentially to break the law, show how
amazing Uber’s service was, and then change the law. My job was to go above the
heads of city officials, build relations with the top level of government, and
negotiate. It was also to deal with the fallout.”
MacGann
started work for Uber around the summer of 2014, when he worked on contract for
a European lobbying consultancy that Uber had hired to oversee government
relations outside the US. In October 2014, Uber brought him in-house and put
him in charge of public policy for the EMEA region.
On his
first day on staff, MacGann was in an Uber from London City airport when he got
his first taste of the startup’s laissez-faire approach to privacy. After
emailing a senior executive to tell them he was in traffic, MacGann received
the reply: “I’m watching you on Heaven – already saw the ETA!”
“Heaven”,
otherwise known as “God View”, was the codeword Uber employees used at the time
for a tool that allowed staff to surreptitiously use the app’s backend
technology to surveil the real-time movements of any user in the world.
“It felt
like children playing around with powerful surveillance technology,” said
MacGann. “Even back then it was dawning on me this was a rogue company.”
In its
statement, Uber said tools such as God View, which it stopped using in 2017,
“should never have been used”. A spokesperson for Kalanick said it would be
false to suggest he ever “directed illegal or improper conduct”.
The Uber
files contain some instances in which MacGann pushes back at the company’s
operations and decisions. But, for the most part, the documents show him
expressing little dissent over the company’s hardball tactics, and on some
occasions he appears directly involved in wrongdoing.
He
describes himself as having been “drunk on the Kool-Aid” at Uber, a company he
alleges did not encourage dissent or criticism. But he does not dispute he was
at the heart of many of the controversies that have been revealed by his data
leak.
“I believed
in the dream we were pushing, and I overdosed on the enthusiasm,” he said. “I
was working 20 hours a day, seven days a week, constantly on planes, in
meetings, on video conference calls. I didn’t stop to take a step back.”
His
whirlwind stint at the company involved meetings with prime ministers,
presidents, transport and economy ministers, EU commissioners, mayors and city
regulators.
MacGann
said most senior politicians were instinctively supportive of Uber, viewing the
tech company as offering an innovative new platform that could allow for
flexible working and help reboot economies after the financial crisis.
However, it
was a more mixed story in France, where Uber’s unlicensed service prompted taxi
driver riots and divided the cabinet of the then president, François Hollande.
On one side
was Bernard Cazeneuve, the minister of the interior, who according to MacGann
once summoned him to his office and threatened him with jail, saying: “I will
hold you personally and criminally responsible if you do not shut it down by
the end of the week.”
On the
opposing side of the debate was Emmanuel Macron, the pro-tech, pro-business
economy minister who, the leak reveals, became something of a secret weapon for
Uber.
The data
includes text message exchanges between MacGann and Macron, who was working
behind the scenes to assist the US tech company. In one exchange, MacGann asks
for Macron’s help in the midst of a raid on the company’s offices. In another
he complains about an apparent ban on its services in Marseille.
Macron told
MacGann he would “personally” look into the matter. “At this point, let’s stay
calm,” the minister said.
Macron did
not respond to detailed questions about his relationship with Uber. A
spokesperson said his ministerial duties at the time “naturally led him to meet
and interact with many companies” engaged in the service sector.
After
leaving Uber, MacGann maintained relations with Macron and helped raise funds
for his La République En Marche party in 2016. He says his political support
for the French president was a personal decision and had “absolutely nothing to
do with Uber”. They continued to exchange text messages with one another up to
as recently as April this year.
The French
president is not the only political figure who knows MacGann. He is on
first-name terms with two former EU commissioners, Neelie Kroes and Peter
Mandelson. After leaving Uber, MacGann maintained a business relationship with
Lord Mandelson, a former Labour cabinet minister.
MacGann is
also a familiar face among VIPs who attend the World Economic Forum in Davos,
which he describes as “speed dating for elites”. He recalls persuading an
initially reluctant Kalanick to attend the gathering in the Swiss Alps in 2016.
“For a
lobbyist, Davos is a wonderful competitive advantage that only money can buy,”
he said. “Politicians don’t have a retinue of advisers and civil servants
hanging around taking notes.”
Uber’s
executives met with the Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, the Irish
taoiseach, Enda Kenny, and the UK chancellor, George Osborne. Securing those
meetings, MacGann said, was “a piece of cake”. “Uber was considered hot
property.” So much so that when Kalanick met Joe Biden at the Swiss resort it
was at the US vice-president’s request.
The Uber
files reveal that Kalanick fumed when he was kept waiting by Biden, texting
other Uber executives: “I’ve had my people let him know that every minute late
he is, is one less minute he will have with me.”
However, it
was another Kalanick text in the leak – in which the former CEO appears to
advocate sending Uber drivers to a protest in France, despite the risk of
violence – that has sparked headlines across the world.
Warned by
MacGann and Whetstone that encouraging Uber drivers to protest amid violent
taxi strikes in Paris risked putting them at risk, Kalanick replied: “I think
it’s worth it. Violence guarantee[s] success.”
MacGann
called Kalanick’s instruction to stage an act of civil disobedience with French
Uber drivers, despite the risks, as a “dangerous” and “selfish” tactic. “He was
not the guy on the street who was being threatened, who was being attacked, who
was being beaten up.”
Kalanick’s
spokesperson said he “never suggested that Uber should take advantage of
violence at the expense of driver safety” and any suggestion he was involved in
such activity would be completely false. Uber acknowledged past mistakes, but
said no one at the company, including Kalanick, wanted violence against Uber
drivers.
MacGann
insists that Uber drivers were seen by some at the company as pawns who could
be used to put pressure on governments. “And if that meant Uber drivers going
on strike, Uber drivers doing a demo in the streets, Uber drivers blocking
Barcelona, blocking Berlin, blocking Paris, then that was the way to go,” he
said. “In a sense, it was considered beneficial to weaponise Uber drivers in
this way.”
The files
show MacGann’s fingerprints on this strategy, too. In one email, he praised
staffers in Amsterdam who leaked stories to the press about attacks on drivers
to “keep the violence narrative” and pressure the Dutch government.
Looking
back, MacGann said: “I am disgusted and ashamed that I was a party to the
trivialisation of such violence.”
A parting
of ways
One of the
worst flashpoints in Europe was at Brussels Midi train station, where Uber
drivers lingered to pick up passengers who would otherwise be queueing at a
regulated taxi rank. MacGann was first recognised there on 27 April 2015.
“Got
spotted by a bunch of taxi drivers at the train station arriving from London,”
he emailed a colleague that day. “Seven of them followed me as I went to get my
Uber, hurling insults and spitting … One of them ran after me for a while,
intending to hurt my driver.”
The
colleague replied: “Thank God you made it … This weekend Uber driver and taxi
driver got into a fistfight. Getting intense in Brussels.”
The threats
intensified over subsequent weeks. Emails show alarm at the company after a
taxi driver trailed MacGann’s limousine to his apartment in Brussels and posted
his home address on a “stop Uber” Facebook group in Belgium. Taxi drivers
snapped surveillance-style photos of MacGann outside a hotel with friends and
uploaded them to the internet.
In August
that year, a security report commissioned by Uber mentioned rumours that
MacGann and another Uber executive were going to be “taken off the streets by a
core group of taxi drivers”.
Uber gave
MacGann a personal team of bodyguards. An email states that between September
and November 2015, the security team spent 619 hours shepherding him in Belgium
alone, while Uber also beefed up security for foreign trips.
During a
protest in Brussels, about 100 taxi drivers gathered outside MacGann’s office
in the city and blocked the road. An Uber security report described how an
initially relaxed atmosphere became “more grim”. Fireworks were let off and
riot police charged protesters.
Taxi
drivers at the protest attached “wanted” posters on the sides of their cars.
They displayed photos of MacGann and two other Uber executives. The caption
read: “International criminals.”
In October
2015, MacGann emailed a colleague: “I have had bodyguards full-time now for
five months and it is becoming very stressful.” A week later, he told Plouffe
and Whetstone of his intention to resign. He officially departed four months
later, on 12 February 2016.
It seemed
an amicable split. Publicly, he expressed no regrets and used his Facebook page
to lavish praise on Kalanick.
“Toughest
boss I ever had and I’m a stronger leader for it,” he said, adding there was
“no thing” he would change about his time at Uber. “Forget the hyperbole in the
media; forget the intrigue; think about how pushing a button and getting a ride
makes your life better.”
In his
departure email to colleagues, MacGann described himself as “a strong believer
in Uber’s mission”.
Uber publicly
commended MacGann’s work and asked him to stay on as a consultant.
He was
given a new job title – senior board adviser – and retained his Uber-provided
emails, laptops and phones.
That role
ended in August 2016, after which MacGann took on a new job at a telecoms
company and started his own business venture. It was a full year after leaving
Uber that, MacGann says, he experienced his most “terrifying” ordeal as a
perceived representative of the cab-hailing firm.
‘MacGann,
we will get you’
The
incident outside Brussels Midi station was recorded in a police report, Uber
emails and media reports. It took place between 11.45am and 12.15pm on 19
September 2017, shortly after MacGann arrived at the station.
As he
walked towards his waiting Uber, taxi drivers approached him and ordered him
not to get into the car. One grabbed him by the arms to stop him from putting
his bags in. Concerned for his safety, MacGann asked the Uber driver to lock
the doors when he was in the car.
Several
more taxi drivers joined the fray, surrounding the car. MacGann called the
police. A security report commissioned by Uber questioned whether the taxi
drivers had recognised him. But he recalls the drivers yelling: “MacGann, we
will get you, we know where you live.”
He recalls
them thumping on the windows and rocking the car from side to side. Three taxi
drivers were taken to the police station, but no further action was taken.
MacGann
said he was left fearing for his life – and that of his Uber driver, who “was
shaking and in tears, scared for his life”. “These taxi drivers had his licence
number, they could come after him again. It just seemed to me that Uber viewed
this guy as expendable supply – not an employee with rights.”
Shortly
afterwards, MacGann received an anonymous threat on Twitter: “One day police
won’t be there and you’ll be alone. And we will see if money will help you.”
MacGann
held his former employer responsible. “I felt that Uber had caused this, by its
‘success at all costs approach’ that encouraged confrontations between Uber and
taxi drivers … I started to feel it was indicative of Uber’s wider relationship
with drivers, putting them in harm’s way for their own financial interests.”
By
mid-2018, MacGann said, the death of a close friend contributed to a
deterioration in his mental health. A medical report from March 2019 said a
subsequent diagnosis of PTSD was “evidently linked and impacted by the
professional stress he had to endure” during his time at Uber.
MacGann
said that months of treatment and therapy between 2018 and 2019 – and an
enforced period of personal reflection – led him to reassess his time at Uber.
“I’d stepped off the corporate hamster wheel for the first time in decades. I
emerged with a new sense of clarity about everything at Uber.”
No longer
living the fast-paced life of a corporate executive, MacGann had time to listen
more carefully to the stories of Uber drivers who were ferrying him around. He
credits those conversations with changing his understanding of what the company
used to call “driver economics”.
In its
statement, Uber’s spokesperson said “driver earnings globally are at or near
all-time highs today” and that Uber’s interests were “aligned with drivers,
ensuring they have a positive experience earning on the platform”. If drivers
were dissatisfied with its platform, she added, “they can and do choose to earn
somewhere else”.
In the
statement released after MacGann identified himself as the whistleblower, Uber
said his litigation against the company was “an attempt, among other things, to
get paid a bonus he claimed to be owed for his work at Uber. That lawsuit
recently ended with him being paid €550,000. It is noteworthy that Mark felt
compelled to ‘blow the whistle’ only after his cheque cleared.”
MacGann
first contacted the Guardian five months before his legal dispute with Uber was
settled and placed no restriction on when journalists could use the leaked
data. He disputes Uber’s claim that he has been paid €550,000, and said he was
still awaiting his full payout from the settlement.
In February
2020, MacGann, increasingly angered by what he viewed as the mistreatment of drivers,
tried to take action. Uber was appealing against a decision by Transport for
London (TfL) to refuse the company a licence in the capital, on the grounds it
failed to meet the “fit and proper” test.
Emailing
the mayor’s office, MacGann explained he was a former Uber executive with
information to share in a “private and non-sensationalist manner, given my
intimate knowledge of the company”. MacGann said he felt “frustrated” when his
attempt to formally raise concerns about Uber did not receive a reply.
In February
2021, MacGann went a step further. After reading about a French lawyer who was
bringing a class action lawsuit against Uber on behalf of drivers, MacGann got
in touch and offered to provide information to help their case. The lawyer
visited him at his home and MacGann allowed him to take photographs of a small
sample of Uber documents he had stored on his old computer.
His
relationship with the French lawyer turned out to be short-lived. But the dam
had been broken. MacGann realised quite how many of Uber’s secrets he was
sitting on.
In January
2022, Uber’s former top lobbyist travelled to Geneva and met with reporters from
the Guardian.
He opened
two suitcases and pulled out laptops, hard drives, iPhones and bundles of
paper. He warned it would take a few days, at best, to explain everything he
knew. “I’ve seen some really shady shit, to use one of the Silicon Valley expressions.”

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