Forget
the far right. The kids want a
'United
States of Europe.'
On social
media, the upcoming generation is expressing more European solidarity than the
continent has seen in decades.
By
NICHOLAS VINOCUR
Illustration
by Joanne Joo for POLITICO
December
15, 2025 4:00 am CET
https://www.politico.eu/article/united-states-of-europe-online-propaganda-social-media-memes/
A
futuristic EU soldier stands guard, laser blaster at the ready. European
fighter jets zoom through the sky over thumping Eurodance beats. An imaginary
map shows a vastly enlarged EU, swallowing everything from Greenland to the
Caucasus.
Welcome
to the wild world of pro-Europe online propaganda, where the EU isn’t a
fractious club of 27 countries but a juiced-up superpower on par with China or
the United States, only wiser and more cultured.
This type
of content, which re-imagines the EU as a pan-European empire, a European
Federation or the United States of Europe — take your pick — has flooded social
media platforms over the past two years, garnering billions of views
collectively on X, TikTok and Instagram as the EU has reeled from Russia’s
invasion of Ukraine and a U.S.-EU trade deal decried as “humiliation” for
Brussels in many parts of Europe.
In the
face of withering attacks from U.S. President Donald Trump, who called European
leaders “weak” in an interview with POLITICO, as well as anti-EU tirades from X
owner Elon Musk, such pro-EU memes are flowing thicker and faster than ever.
Its
mainstays are Soviet-style propaganda posters featuring the EU’s ring of stars
emblem, video montages with soaring drone shots of European monuments and memes
where the EU’s strengths — from its laid-back work culture to rich cultural
heritage — are favorably compared to other parts of the world, namely Donald
Trump’s America.
Scrolling
through these posts, it can be tempting to shrug off the entire trend as
meaningless “AI slopaganda” (AI-generated content does loom large). Indeed the
hyper-confident Europe envisioned by accounts with names like “European
propagandist” or “Ave Europa” bears little resemblance to the actual EU, where
leaders remain divided over everything from how to finance Ukraine’s war next
year to what reforms should be undertaken to reverse a long trend of economic
decline.
But for
the people behind these accounts, the point isn’t to stick too closely to the
day-to-day reality of EU politics. It’s to generate a sense of agency, vision
and possibility at a time when bullying from Trump, expansionism from Russia
and competition between U.S. and China have left young Europeans feeling
powerless. POLITICO reached out to 11 of the users behind the accounts and
learned that they were real people with widely differing political views
ranging from left-wing to the hard-right, and used different terms to describe
where they stood on Europe. Some called their beliefs “Eurofed,” short for
European federalist. Others described themselves as pan-European imperialist,
emphasizing the notion of a European “civilization” to defend rather than any
existing political setup.
One thing
they all had in common: They were under the age of 35. “People are looking to
escape powerlessness… to regain action and sovereignty and act on things,” said
Christelle Savall, former president of the Young European Federalists
Association, a non-profit advocacy group that has existed since 1972 but has
recently seen a surge in membership
For
years, Europe’s dominant political narrative has been that the far right is
ascendant and the only question is how much further it will rise and how much
more it will corrode the eighty-year-old project that grew out of the ashes of
World War II to become the European Union. These online warriors believe that
is flat-out wrong and that the future lies with a stronger Europe, a view
reflected in a growing swell of opinion in the real world. Just as the MAGA
online movement mirrored and fueled the rise of Trump before the 2016
presidential election, Europe’s online glowup is reflected in polls showing
support for the EU at an all-time high.
Strong
majorities of Europeans across all age groups now favor more deeply integrated
security and defense, according to the 2025 Eurobarometer survey. Another poll
across nine European countries showed that most Germans — 69 percent — favor
the creation of an EU army, a prospect often scoffed at by sitting leaders as a
pipe dream.
And there
are hints that, far from existing in an online vacuum, this youth-driven burst
in pro-EU feelings can also help to win elections. Rob Jetten, the 38-year-old
centrist who recently won the most votes in Dutch elections, is one of the gang
as far as some young federalists are concerned. A pan-European party called
Volt Europa, which defines itself as centrist or center-left, has grown its
footprint significantly since its launch in 2017, including a foothold in the
European Parliament.
“The
center right Eurofed group is more and more turning from an online phenomenon
to a real-life movement… They try to create something akin to a centrist to
right-wing alternative to Volt,” wrote the holder of the X account European
Challenges, who described himself as a 25–35-year-old STEM graduate in
high-tech. I agreed to grant him anonymity due to concern about being “doxxed”
or harassed by other social media users and not wanting users to focus on his
nationality, which would be evident from his name.
For
Joseph de Weck, a foreign policy analyst and author of a biography on French
President Emmanuel Macron, this surge in youthful patriotism is being missed by
leaders and many media outlets who are obsessively focused on the far-right.
“It’s a fundamental mistake… Public opinion has changed,” he said.
The
reality, he argues, is that Europe’s far-right itself is no longer, for the
most part, anti-European but merely critical of certain policies emanating from
Brussels, like its push for net zero carbon emissions. The big political fight
in coming years won’t be over whether to dismantle the European Union, he
argues, but over which version of a more federalist bloc will prevail. “No one
is putting into question the existence of the EU anymore, but they
fundamentally disagree [on] what they should do,” he added.
A fragile
union
The idea
that Europe — ground zero for two world wars — should abolish national borders
and form up into a unified polity isn’t new. In 1849, speaking to the
International Peace Congress in Paris, French author Victor Hugo predicted that
“a day will come when you France, you Russia, you Italy, you England, you
Germany, you all, nations of the continent, without losing your distinct
qualities and your glorious individuality will be merged closely within a
superior unit and you will form the European brotherhood.”
That idea
was forgotten at the outset of a 20th century marked by savage nationalism. But
it reemerged forcefully in the aftermath of World War II, when a group of
European countries formed the European Economic Community in 1957. Six years
later, in a speech to the Irish Dáil, former U.S. President John F. Kennedy
called for a “United States of Europe,” urging leaders to form a “political
federation of Europe, not as a rival to the United States but as a partner.”
In
subsequent decades the European Union, which was formally created in 1992,
massively expanded its membership to 28 countries and more than 500 million
citizens, and even after Brexit it has 27 countries and 450 million citizens.
The union made the huge leap of abolishing border controls between some
countries in 1995, introduced a single currency, the euro, in 1999, and over
time created the Schengen free travel zone.
But that’s about as far as things got. Kennedy’s vision of a
“United States of Europe” ran headlong into the nationalism of leaders like
France’s Charles de Gaulle, who famously poured cold water on the prospect of a
European federalism. “States, once created, have their own existence that
cannot be dissolved. They are irreversibly individual,” he wrote in his “Memoir
of Hope” published in 1970.
While
endorsing expansion, European leaders have consistently resisted taking any
steps that would turn the EU into a real federation — namely an integrated army
and a fiscal transfer union where tax resources are seamlessly redistributed.
Even after the Covid-19 pandemic, which saw EU capitals centralize aspects of
health policy in Brussels, and Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, which
has led to some centralization of defense policy, the mood that now prevails
among Europe’s leaders is one of “euro-realism” — code for, don’t try anything
crazy, it will only help the far-right.
Even
Macron, who swept to power in 2017 in France with a staunchly pro-European
campaign, seems to have given in to the prevailing mood.
Mario
Draghi, a former Italian prime minister and ex-central bank chief whom many
federalists hold up as their mascot, has acknowledged as much. Given widespread
reluctance to rock the boat, he argued in an October speech that Europe should
embrace “pragmatic federalism,” i.e. coalitions of like-minded countries acting
in concert on specific areas of interest instead of any big leaps forward.
Czechia’s
outgoing foreign minister, Jan Lipavsky, described the current attitude among
EU leaders as “not idealistic” in a recent POLITICO interview. A few days
later, Belgium’s defense minister brushed off the idea of a European army.
“Anyone who believes in a European army is selling castles in the air,” he told
local outlet Humo.
Reddit
sub-group battles
Yet it so happens that castles in the air —
i.e. big jumps forward — is exactly what Europe’s young boosters want, and
they’re tired of hearing that they’re too idealistic. “A direct election of the
commission president… is absolutely necessary. As long as that doesn’t happen,
the EU will not get more trust,” the European Challenges account holder wrote
to me in a DM.
Savall
says young Europeans yearn for politicians who can articulate a strategic view
of where Europe is headed, rather than fighting out the domestic political
battle of the day. “There’s long-term [vision], but no one is selling it,” she
said, noting that membership in her group grew 6 percent in 2024 to 10,000. In
October, with other pro-federalist groups, it relaunched the Action Committee
for a United States of Europe which had been dormant for decades. A key driver
for new adherents was the EU-U.S. trade deal inked by European Commission
President Ursula von der Leyen in Turnberry, Scotland, which was widely panned
as a humiliation for the bloc. “It was disappointing because Europe’s power was
its trade mandate. Soft power was commerce,” said Savall.
Other
pro-federalist or pan-European groups report a similar jump in membership.
Membership in Ave Europa, a federalist group founded in March of this year
which describes itself as “center-right”, has gained 400–500 members since its
launch. Board member Nikodem Skrobisz wrote that the tense Oval Office meeting
last February between Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Trump, in
which Trump and Vice President JD Vance berated their guest, had spurred the
group’s launch. “A wave of Europatriotism swept the continent in defiance to
the Trumpist attempts to humiliate our continent,” he wrote in a message to me.
“The subsequent trade and tariff disputes further demonstrated that Europe can
no longer rely on others to defend its interests; and with every MAGA attack
against Europe, we saw a new wave of recruits boost our ranks.”
Not all
pro-Europeans share the same roadmap, however. “I think the term ‘European
federalism’ is just misplaced for this day and age… Europe will probably head
towards greater centralization and will more closely resemble a confederation
of some sorts,” said Alex Asgari, a Czech-American 25-year-old lobbyist in
Washington, D.C., who previously worked as a Republican aide in the U.S. House
of Representatives.
Indeed,
federalists are far from being a politically homogenous group. Several meme
warriors told me that there is an ideological battle ongoing in the dank
recesses of federalist Reddit subgroups and chatrooms between broadly centrist
people who believe in boosting the power of existing Brussels institutions, and
far-right people who hate Brussels but nonetheless want Europe to assert itself
on the world stage. The big divider is identity politics and migration policy:
far-right groups tend to envision Europe as a culturally and ethnically
homogenous “empire” — read, white and Christian, preferably Catholic — that
keeps foreigners out.
“I limit
potential membership to countries that have a Latin-European model of social
life… only a Civilisationally homogeneous state has the right to function
stably,” said the user of an account named Sacrum Imperium, a 30-year-old law
student whom I agreed not to identify by name because they said expressing
political views in public could be detrimental to their career. The user also
voiced skepticism about Brussels, advocating limited competences for EU
institutions. “The optimal division of competences… should provide for tasks at
European level only those that are necessary and cannot be carried out at
national level,” they added.
Europe or
bust
For de
Weck, the point is not that these young Europeans don’t see eye to eye, but
that their frame of reference is Europe — not the domestic political debate of
France, Germany or any other EU member country. This marks a profound shift
compared to 2016, when Britain’s vote to leave the European Union was widely
seen as heralding other EU exits, and euroskeptic politicians ranging from
France’s Marine Le Pen to Austria’s Sebastian Kurk and the Netherlands’ Geert
Wilders dominated headlines.
Indeed, a
big factor linking pro-Europe online users is their youth. With all reporting
their age as under 35, these Europeans may or may not have witnessed the last
big surge of euro-idealism around the turn of the century, when the euro
currency was introduced in several countries and the overtly pro-EU movie “The
Spanish Apartment” (L’Auberge Espagnole” originally) promoted Europe’s Erasmus
student program as an ideal way to find love. But they have all been through
what came after this period of optimism: terrorism, a surge in migration, the
rise of far-right parties across Europe and, more recently, Russia’s aggressive
expansionism and the collapse of a U.S.-led post-World War II order.
Such
upheavals, combined with other problems — like grinding economic decline and an
ageing population — have painted Europe as a victim, or at least a losing
party, in the minds of many youths. It’s a feeling that these people are
rebelling against — and one that may well fuel the rise of a new generation of
much more Europe-minded, if not overtly federalist, politicians in coming
years.
For now,
it’s still populists and their favorite rivals, centrists such as France’s
Macron, who continue to occupy headlines. In the past decade hard-right leaders
have won elections, becoming prime ministers in Austria and Italy, or political
kingmakers, as was the case with Dutch far-right leader Geert Wilders in 2023.
The prime minister of Hungary, Viktor Orbán, has been in power since 2010,
positioning himself as an arch-opponent of Brussels-based EU institutions.
But the
reality is that, unlike in 2016 when Europe feared a wave of Brexit-style
“-exits,” none of these leaders now advocates pulling their country out of the
bloc. In a recent chat with POLITICO, Orbán’s political director said that
despite virulent criticism of the EU as currently configured, Budapest still
sees its place firmly within the EU. “We want to be inside. We are part of the
club,” said the aide, Balasz Orbán (no relation). Similarly, Czechia’s populist
incoming prime minister Andrej Babiš, though no fan of Brussels, has gone so
far as to rule out a referendum on his country’s membership in the EU or NATO
in his government manifesto.
Could
this be the first hint of a tectonic shift in European politics? Ave Europa,
the group founded in March, plans to run candidates in the next EU elections.
Volt Europa, a pan-European, federalist party, won five seats in the most
recent European Parliament elections, and now has 30 national chapters both
inside and outside the EU. To grow much bigger, such parties would benefit from
a change to the European Parliament’s rules that would allow candidates to
compete for a number of EU-wide seats in transnational campaigns, versus the
current system whereby campaigns are nationally bound — a change that Savall of
the Young Federalists points to as her group’s “No. 1” policy priority.
But to
become a reality, it would have to be embraced by the EU’s current leaders, who
haven’t shown much interest in recent years. The United States of Europe may
not become a reality in the next few months, or even years. But its online
cheerleaders are determined to bring that horizon closer — one “EU soldier”
meme at a time.


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