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Analysis
New China
Trade ‘Deal’ Takes U.S. Back to Where It Started
If a
handshake agreement holds, it will merely undo some of the damage from the
trade war that President Trump started.
Ana Swanson
By Ana
Swanson
Ana Swanson
covers trade and the U.S.-China economic relationship from Washington.
June 11,
2025
Updated 8:07
p.m. ET
https://www.nytimes.com/2025/06/11/us/politics/us-china-trade-deal-trump.html
After two
days of tense negotiations, the United States and China appear to have walked
back from the brink of a devastating economic conflict — maybe.
Officials
from the two countries reached a handshake agreement in the early hours of
Wednesday in London to remove some of the harmful measures they had used to
target each other’s economies as part of a clash that rapidly intensified in
recent months.
It remains
unclear whether the truce will hold — or crumble like one struck in May did.
Even if the agreement does prove durable, its big accomplishment appears to be
merely returning the countries to a status quo from several months ago, before
President Trump provoked tensions with China in early April by ramping up
tariffs on goods it produces.
“It seems
like we’re negotiating in circles,” said Myron Brilliant, a senior counselor at
DGA-Albright Stonebridge Group and former executive vice president of the U.S.
Chamber of Commerce.
“You
escalate, you de-escalate,” he added. “At the end of the day we’re not really
further along.”
As a result
of this week’s negotiations, tariffs will stay where they are. Further details
are scant, other than the likely rollback of aggressive policies the two
countries adopted since May.
China is
expected to loosen restrictions on exports of minerals that had threatened to
cripple an array of American manufacturers. The United States will in return
relax new limits that it placed on its own exports of technology and products,
as well as walk back threats to cancel visas for Chinese students in the United
States.
The
countries did not announce progress on other trade issues. Those matters would
be left for future discussions, American officials said.
For many
analysts, the London meetings raised questions about what exactly had been
gained by Mr. Trump’s aggressive trade tactics against China over the past few
months, or whether his actions had ultimately backfired.
“What
exactly are we getting that we weren’t already getting before?” asked Veronique
de Rugy, a senior research fellow with the Mercatus Center, a libertarian think
tank. “This deal suggests there was never a real plan.”
Trump
administration officials have argued that the United States came out on top
from the recent escalations, saying the punitive measures they issued in
response to China’s curbs on rare earth exports show that the country has
plenty of its own firepower. In recent weeks, the United States limited access
to a range of software, products, chemicals and technologies, including
critical elements that China uses to develop advanced chips and jet engines.
The
administration has also pointed to the strength of the U.S. economy and limited
inflation to argue that even very high tariffs on Chinese imports have had few
negative effects.
Other
forecasters have not been so sanguine. In a report this week, the World Bank
said U.S. tariffs would set the stage for the weakest decade of global growth
since the 1960s.
Mr. Trump
proclaimed on social media Wednesday morning that “our deal with China is done”
and that the “relationship is excellent,” though he acknowledged that the
agreement was still subject to final approval by himself and his counterpart,
Xi Jinping.
“Full
magnets, and any necessary rare earths, will be supplied, up front, by China,”
he wrote, in all capital letters. “Likewise, we will provide to China what was
agreed to, including Chinese students using our colleges and universities
(which has always been good with me!).”
The
discussions in London played out over two long days and nights and repeatedly
became heated, according to two people with knowledge of the meetings. At
various moments, the talks seemed as if they might fall apart, they added — a
sign of the lack of trust between the two governments.
Howard
Lutnick, the secretary of commerce, who took part in the negotiations, said the
president’s fundamental goal toward China was to “reduce the trade deficit and
increase trade.”
“But first
we had to get, sort of, the negativity out,” he said as the talks concluded.
“Now we can go forward to try to do positive trade, growing trade, and
beneficial to both China and to the United States.”
Liu Pengyu,
a spokesman for the Chinese Embassy in Washington, said on Wednesday that the
essence of relations between the two countries lay in mutual benefit and
cooperation. “There are no winners in trade wars,” he added. “China does not
seek conflict but will not be intimidated by one.”
Analysts and
experts argued that the events of recent weeks showed that the Trump
administration had overplayed its hand against China. The United States has an
almost immediate, economywide need for the rare earth minerals and magnets that
China produces. Chinese restrictions on these exports forced carmakers and
other industries to lobby the White House for relief, and eventually threatened
to deplete inventories of U.S. military hardware.
The
restrictions that the United States put on China in return would undoubtedly
prove painful for the Chinese economy, too. But some analysts emphasized that
those would also inflict pain on the United States.
Philip Luck,
a director in the economics program at the Center for Strategic and
International Studies, a Washington think tank, wrote in a recent analysis that
U.S. restrictions on ethane exports destined for China had particularly
backfired. They forced, for example, major American energy companies to halt
billions of dollars in planned exports. With ethane cut off, Chinese plants
could simply burn other fuels they can obtain elsewhere — which cost more but
would prevent any interruptions.
“These
controls fail to clear even the lowest bar for an economic weapon,” Mr. Luck
wrote. “Beyond hurting U.S. producers more than their Chinese counterparts,
they undermine the administration’s own energy dominance agenda and signal to
allies that the United States cannot be trusted even in supposedly apolitical
commodity markets.”
Ilaria
Mazzocco, a senior fellow at Center for Strategic and International Studies,
said tariff threats and other policies had been guided by a theory in
Washington that “China would buckle under pressure very quickly,” in part
because its export-driven economy has been showing signs of weakness.
“I think
what China proved is that actually it’s in a pretty strong position and it can
bear a lot of pain, and perhaps actually more pain than the United States,” she
added. She also said China had demonstrated its ability to use export controls
to inflict pain on the United States in a way it had never broached before.
Jin Canrong,
a professor of international studies at the Renmin University in Beijing, wrote
in a commentary last week that rare earths were “a trump card in China’s hand.”
“Trump
should understand that pressure and threats are definitely not the right way to
deal with China,” he wrote.
Some
analysts have also questioned the precedent that the Trump administration set
by putting in play U.S. export controls, which are typically considered a
matter of national security, rather than economic leverage.
Wendy
Cutler, the vice president of the Asia Society and a former U.S. trade
negotiator, said the United States “appears to have paid a heavy price” for
regaining access to Chinese critical minerals and magnets.
“These
matters have been deliberately kept off the negotiating table for years given
U.S. insistence that national-security-related measures are not appropriate for
a give-and-take,” she said. “By apparently now reversing this long-held
position, the U.S. has opened the door for China that will be difficult to
close.”
She added
that China might now insist on two-way concessions on export controls in the
future. “The London framework may signify an important turning point in
U.S.-China economic relations,” she said.
Ana Swanson
covers trade and international economics for The Times and is based in
Washington. She has been a journalist for more than a decade.


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