Analysis
Stupidity
and royal self-entitlement sank Andrew, and it may not be over yet
Stephen
Bates
Indulged
by his mother and ignored for too long by his siblings, it is behaviour like
Andrew’s that could ultimately kill the monarchy
Fri 31
Oct 2025 16.18 GMT
https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2025/oct/31/andrew-royal-behaviour-analysis
It
started with a simple photograph, probably the most consequential ever taken of
a member of the royal family.
There was
Prince Andrew, Duke of York, Earl of Inverness, Baron Killyleagh and Knight of
the Garter, with his arm around a young woman, while Ghislaine Maxwell stood
wolfishly grinning in the background.
Without
that snap, taken at a party at Maxwell’s London mews home in 2001, who would
ever have believed Virginia Giuffre when she said she had been trafficked
across the Atlantic as a teenager and obliged to have perfunctory sex with a
prince of the blood royal? As it was, the story could not be convincingly
denied, however much friends of Andrew tried to suggest the picture was a fake.
Or that Andrew would seek to blacken her name much later by instructing his
royal protection officer to seek out derogatory details about her, even
providing her birth date and social security number, which can only have come
from the convicted child sex offender Jeffrey Epstein or his minions?
An odd,
giveaway gesture by someone who had publicly pretended to have never heard of
her, said he could never have had sex with her and yet paid her $12m of his
mother’s money to fend off a long prevaricated lawsuit.
In this
context, talk of the royals acting decisively to cut Andrew off are wide of the
mark. This scandal has gone on for the best part of 15 years since that
photograph, and another of Andrew walking amiably in Central Park with Epstein,
came to light. Arguably it was longer still: how long ago did his siblings,
perhaps even his parents, know that Andrew was so self-entitled?
They must
have realised, if his staff and the police were doing their jobs, that he had
some deeply disreputable friends given he openly invited them to Buckingham
Palace, or Balmoral, or even Royal Lodge, another of his perks.
If the
family did not know about his sexual proclivities, they certainly knew about
his extravagance with public money, because the trips were printed in the royal
annual reports: the taking of a helicopter from the palace to an Oxfordshire
golf course and back again in time for lunch, the private flights instead of
scheduled services, all for the convenience of “Airmiles Andy”. Then there was
the entitlement that demanded deference when he entered a room (“Let’s try that
again, shall we?” when people did not notice his arrival, according to his
recent biographer Andrew Lownie) or the supreme consciousness about the use of
his royal titles, from on his letterheads to with his personal acquaintances.
He could
get away with it while his mother, who inexplicably indulged him, was still
alive. Queen Elizabeth did at least strip him of public duties and honorary
colonelcies after his disastrous and, we now know, mendacious Newsnight
interview six years ago, which he thought had gone rather well. But his
behaviour has scarcely changed since, sidling into the limelight at public
events, most recently at the Duchess of Kent’s funeral in September, vainly
trying to make conversation with an all too evidently discomfited Prince
William. And clinging on desperately to his grace and favour residence at the
30-room Royal Lodge in Windsor Great Park, even into this week reluctant to
give it up in the face of pressure from the king.
It was
only in the last fortnight that events sped up after the publication not only
of Lownie’s book Entitled, but Giuffre’s posthumous memoir, Nobody’s Girl,
giving more grim details of his behaviour and that of Epstein and the convicted
child sex trafficker Maxwell towards her. Further disclosures have again
exposed Andrew’s thinking that he could get away with lying about his contact
with Epstein in the Newsnight interview. If the palace thought that ceasing the
use of his titles without actually removing them – allegedly, though clearly
not actually, at his request and still without acknowledgment of any fault – it
had another think coming.
The
public (and the media) were far ahead of the royals. There was no one of any
consequence to speak up for him, a result of all those years of arrogance, and
the gravity of the looming institutional damage was finally clear. The more
intelligent royals realised that. The one imperative is to pass on the
monarchy, if not as heretofore at least intact and untarnished. They have spent
the last 190 years trying to undo the reputation of the Georgians, proving they
are useful, responsible and responsive to their subjects; if not exactly like
them, then role models for respectability and good behaviour. Andrew was
putting all that in danger in an age when deference and discretion is no longer
enough.
Finally,
the famously indecisive king was prodded further. There was no alternative. The
palace had lost control of the narrative. The days when the indiscretions of
princes could be overlooked or hidden – think Edward VII and his predilection
for chorus girls and mistresses, Edward VIII and his half-secret relationships
with Freda Dudley Ward and Wallis Simpson, or even the Belgian Leopold II, who
had sex with underage children (not as bad as his treatment of the people of
the Congo, his private fiefdom, but bad enough) – were over.
It is the
loss of titles and the continued and lifelong public humiliation that will hurt
Andrew, demoted to just Mr Mountbatten-Windsor, the most. As will the fact that
he is the first royal to lose his titles in modern times; the last to do so was
the Duke of Cumberland and Teviotdale, who sided with Germany in the first
world war, while Japan’s Emperor Hirohito was stripped of his knighthood of the
garter after the second. Since one of Andrew’s few claims to fame is his
service in the Falklands war, this will particularly sting. He is still a
counsellor of state, theoretically able to stand in for the king, and he is
still eighth in line to the throne, but neither of these will ever come to
pass.
Will
people he encounters still defer to him, will they still forget themselves and
call him Prince, will they even say Sir, and if they do will he correct them?
Will the agreeable golf courses of the north Norfolk coast still welcome him as
an honoured guest?
Of
course, he is not retiring to Surbiton or Slough, but to the royal family’s
8,100-hectare (20,000 acre) estate at Sandringham. There, he will be furnished
by the king with one of the grace and favour houses – will it be York Cottage
or Wood Farm? – and given some sort of private allowance, though it may still
take some time for him to move in. It is not Royal Lodge, where he paid a
peppercorn rent for more than 20 years – that really caused public outrage, and
Norfolk is a bit distant, but even so it may not be far enough. Presumably
Kazakhstan, where he is friends with members of the elite, was a bit remote.
Will
locals be pleased to see him doing the weekly shop at an Aldi in King’s Lynn?
(That’s probably a step too far.) Members of the public still stroll through
the Sandringham grounds and the royal family themselves decamp there for
Christmas and new year (and go to church), but there he would be an unwelcome
stranger at the feast. Apparently, Sarah Ferguson, his ex-wife, will not be
moving in. It will be an internal exile.
This is
not over. There are still files in the hands of the US Congress to be
disclosed, though the Americans are understandably more interested in who on
their side of the Atlantic was ensnared in Epstein’s net. Will parliament
demand more, or investigate the waste of public money? There may even be a
police investigation into his behaviour, though that seems unlikely – neither
the government nor the king would want that.
Perhaps
for the moment the institutional damage to the monarchy is limited. The
narrative from the palace on Thursday night was clearly that the removal of
titles was what Charles, and particularly Prince William, wanted. No more
pretence that Andrew was doing it voluntarily. And, remarkably, the brief five
sentences showed clearly that the royals were siding with Giuffre’s version of
events, not Andrew’s. Even more, for the first time they finally showed concern
for the victims: “The censures are deemed necessary, notwithstanding the fact
that he continues to deny the allegations against him. Their majesties wish to
make clear that their thoughts and utmost sympathies have been, and will remain
with, the victims and survivors of any and all forms of abuse.”
Ultimately
it is entitlement, self-seeking and indolence that will kill the monarchy. In
his stupidity, self-indulgence and venality, Andrew seems never to have learned
that lesson.
Stephen
Bates is a former Guardian royal correspondent and is author of Royalty Inc:
Britain’s Best-known Brand, and The Shortest History of the Crown

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