News
Analysis
Trump’s
Border Plans Are Light on Details but Strong on Fury
The former
president’s sweeping immigration proposals face daunting challenges, but voters
still trust his positions more than his opponent’s.
Zolan
Kanno-Youngs
By Zolan
Kanno-Youngs
Zolan
Kanno-Youngs has covered immigration politics throughout the Trump and Biden
administrations. He reported from Washington.
https://www.nytimes.com/2024/10/15/us/politics/trump-immigration-plans.html
Oct. 15,
2024, 5:04 a.m. ET
During a
rally in Arizona on Sunday, former President Donald J. Trump left out a crucial
detail when promoting his proposal to hire 10,000 new agents to patrol the
U.S.-Mexico border.
He did not
say where these legions of new agents would come from.
Given its
longtime struggles with recruitment, it would take the U.S. Border Patrol years
to ramp up hiring to that extent, if it ever could.
But that was
just one of several aggressive moves he said would be coming to protect the
border if he is elected. He pledged mass deportations, but it is unclear
whether he could harness the resources to roundup millions of immigrants. He
proposed funneling some of the military’s budget toward border security, though
he did not say how he would get the courts to sign off on that.
Mr. Trump’s
plans as outlined on Sunday were the latest reminder that when it comes to the
former president’s vision for border security, hyperbolic rhetoric, rather than
substantive solutions, often wins out.
Many
politicians announce ambitious, if unrealistic, policies on the campaign trail
to energize their base that are scant on implementation details. But Mr. Trump
has centered much of his campaign on such proposals, pitching a staggering
array of tax breaks without discussing how he might pay for them and promising
an immediate end to conflicts in Ukraine and Gaza but providing scant details
on how.
He is
running that playbook again as he seizes on the issue of illegal border
crossings, which rose to record levels under the Biden administration, to
attack Vice President Kamala Harris.
Mr. Trump
has tried to blame her for the millions of migrant crossings in recent years,
even though President Biden assigned her a role that was not responsible for
managing the policies specific to the U.S.-Mexico border. Ms. Harris was rather
in charge of addressing the poverty and corruption in Central America to
discourage migrants from traveling north to the United States.
“They’re
destroying our country,” Mr. Trump said on Sunday of the Biden administration’s
immigration policies. He said Ms. Harris had “ruined the jobs of a lot of these
agents.”
Yet Mr.
Trump’s own announced plans to deal with border security at times seem focused
more on tough-sounding policies — intended to tap into anger and fear about
immigration — than sweating out the details of workable solutions.
Case in
point: Mr. Trump’s pronouncement to bring in 10,000 new Border Patrol agents.
While aggressive and sweeping, like much of Mr. Trump’s immigration agenda, the
proposal would face extraordinary challenges on implementation.
“We were
about 1,200 down when I was there, and we still had a great deal of difficulty
filling the existing slots,” said Gil Kerlikowske, the commissioner of Customs
and Border Protection during the Obama administration. “The 10,000 would be
really a difficult number.”
The agency,
with more than 19,000 agents, has struggled to hire officers in recent years
because of morale issues, the pandemic and congressional dysfunction that made
funding unpredictable, according to the Government Accountability Office. Mr.
Trump also said he would ask Congress to immediately approve a 10 percent raise
for agents and a $10,000 retention and signing bonus.
The Trump
campaign did not answer questions about how it would follow through on the plan
to hire thousands of agents.
In a much
harsher position, Mr. Trump said he would pursue a historic deportation
operation. He proposes invoking the Alien Enemies Act of 1798 to expel
suspected members of drug cartels and criminal gangs without due process.
That law
allows for summary deportation of people from countries with which the United
States is at war, that have invaded the United States or that have engaged in
“predatory incursions.” While the Supreme Court has upheld past uses of the
law, it is not clear whether the justices would allow a president to stretch it
to encompass drug cartel activity. The text of the law requires a link to the
actions of a foreign government.
Still, Mr.
Trump raises the specter of roundups, which he said would be made possible by
transferring other federal officers and deputizing local law enforcement to
assist Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Some cities, however, refuse to
collaborate with ICE out of concern such cooperation would lead to deportations
for minor offenses.
When Mr.
Trump was last in the White House, sweeping deportation operations were
unsuccessful. That was in part because ICE lacks enough agents or detention
capacity for such an operation.
This time,
Mr. Trump has said, he would use money in the military budget to build giant
detention facilities for such deportation missions. But a similar strategy to
use Pentagon funds to build his border wall during his last time in office was
blocked by the courts in 2020.
Still, these
campaign flourishes are not necessarily aimed at passing logistical tests. They
are aimed at winning over voters. Mr. Trump used a similar strategy during the
2016 presidential election, when promising repeatedly to build a border wall
and have Mexico pay for it. American taxpayers ended up paying the bill.
Despite the
logistical, legal and financial challenges Mr. Trump faces as he seeks to
implement his immigration proposals, polling shows many voters trust Mr. Trump
to handle the border over Mr. Biden and Ms. Harris.
The Harris
campaign has tried to cut into those numbers by spotlighting the vice
president’s record as a prosecutor in a border state and by challenging the
legitimacy of Mr. Trump’s proposals.
“Trump
doesn’t care about solving problems — he only wants to run on one,” said Matt
Corridoni, a Harris campaign spokesman.
Democrats
note that while Mr. Trump proposed a surge in hiring for Border Patrol agents
on Sunday, he helped block an effort earlier this year to hire 1,500 officials
to the parent agency of the Border Patrol.
A Senate
border bill negotiated by the White House, Democrats and Senate Republicans
would have provided the funding to hire border officials, as well as thousands
of asylum officers.
Karoline
Leavitt, a spokesman for the Trump campaign, said Mr. Trump opposed that bill
because it “would have expedited the illegal entry of thousands of illegal
immigrants into the country every week.”
The package
actually would have toughened an initial asylum screening for migrants, making
it far more difficult for them to stay in the country. It was endorsed by the
National Border Patrol Council, the union for Border Patrol agents, which
endorsed Mr. Trump during his rally on Sunday.
But taking a
cue from Mr. Trump, Republicans tanked the bill to prevent Democrats from
securing an election-year victory. Ms. Harris has said she would sign the bill
once elected, if it is reintroduced and passed.
Senator
James Lankford, Republican of Oklahoma, who led the negotiations on the
package, said this year that Republicans chose not to support it to give Mr.
Trump a political edge on the border.
“It got
stirred up in all the presidential politics, and several of my colleagues
starting looking for ways” to back away from the bill “after President Trump
said, ‘Don’t fix anything during the presidential election,’” Mr. Lankford told
Fox News in April.
Still, Mr.
Lankford stressed the need to prioritize realistic solutions to the border.
“He’s got an
office that’s running for. He’s got a campaign that he’s running,” Mr. Lankford
said of Mr. Trump. “I’m already in office. I’ve got a responsibility to be able
to carry on this.”
Zolan
Kanno-Youngs is a White House correspondent, covering President Biden and his
administration. More about Zolan Kanno-Youngs


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