Fraud
probe reverberates across Brussels
By
Nicholas Vinocur
December
3, 2025 7:01 am CET
https://www.politico.eu/newsletter/brussels-playbook/fraud-probe-reverberates-across-brussels/
Brussels
Playbook
By
NICHOLAS VINOCUR
with
GERARDO FORTUNA
GOOD
WEDNESDAY MORNING from not one but two Playbookers — yes, we had to tag-team
this action-packed edition. First up: the scandal that everyone in Brussels is
talking about.
FRAUD
PROBE ROCKS EU INSTITUTIONS: A fraud investigation that has ensnared Europe’s
former top diplomat Federica Mogherini and senior Commission official Stefano
Sannino has sparked outrage among EU staff — and reignited turf wars between
Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and top diplomat Kaja Kallas over
which institution should be calling the shots on foreign affairs.
Brussels
was shaken Tuesday by news that Belgian police had raided European External
Action Service (EEAS) offices, private homes and the elite College of Europe in
connection with a fraud probe. The revelation that Sannino and Mogherini had
been held for questioning elevated the scandal to one of the most serious in
recent memory.
The
fallout spreads: In the hours after the news broke, several current and former
European EEAS staffers told Playbook they feared the unfolding allegations
involving the 2021-2022 tendering process to establish a diplomatic academy
attached to the College of Europe would tarnish their reputations and that of
the agency they worked for, which Mogherini led at the time.
“I’ve
already gotten tens of messages sharing the frustration of the staff to be
again the victims of reputational damages,” Cristiano Sebastiani, a member of
the EU staff union Démocratie et Renouveau, wrote via WhatsApp. The dawn police
raids on the EEAS, private homes and the elite College of Europe in Bruges had
had a “disastrous impact on the credibility of the institutions concerned,” he
added.
“The
perception is, of course, shock and dismay,” added a recently retired official.
What’s
alleged: Mogherini and Sannino are being quizzed over the establishment of a
training academy for diplomats, with the searches carried out on the request of
the European Public Prosecutor’s Office and approved by the Belgian police.
Mogherini, Sannino and another individual detained in the investigation have
not been charged and have not commented on the allegations.
Key
context: Mogherini, a former Italian foreign minister, served as the EU’s high
representative, the EU’s highest diplomatic role, from 2014 until 2019. Sannino
was secretary-general of the EEAS, a powerful internal post, until he was
replaced earlier this year.
The probe
threatens to aggravate the already tense relationship between von der Leyen and
Kallas. Several staffers linked Sannino’s departure from the EEAS in 2024 to a
broader effort by von der Leyen to weaken the EU’s diplomatic arm and
strengthen her executive branch. Sannino was awarded a new role at the
Commission overseeing relations with the Middle East and Africa, which
overlapped with existing services at his former employer. Adding to the blow,
Sannino brought several diplomats with him to the Commission.
Kallas
distanced: Now that Sannino is engulfed in scandal, the current high
representative, Kallas, may be feeling vindicated. An EEAS spokesperson was
quick to distance the former Estonian prime minister from Tuesday’s unfolding
controversy, pointing out that the investigation into Sannino and Mogherini
predated Kallas’ arrival at the EEAS. As to whether Kallas knew of the
impending probe and was advised to part ways with Sannino — Commission
officials who spoke to POLITICO weren’t sure.
Blowback
for VDL? One EU official said that while it’s easy to point the finger at von
der Leyen every time something goes wrong, responsibility in this case lies
with the EEAS. “[I]it’s not fair that she would face a motion of censure for
something the External Action Service may have done. She’s not accountable for
all of the institutions.” The official added: “I know the people who don’t like
von der Leyen will use this against her. But they use everything against her.”
But with
the Commission president already plagued by questions over her commitment to
transparency, the developing crisis could become the starkest challenge to the
EU’s accountability in a generation, POLITICO’s Zoya Sheftalovich and
colleagues write in a must-read analysis this morning.
SEEN FROM
PARLIAMENT
NOW WE
GOT BAD BLOOD: The investigation is playing out against the backdrop of a poor
relationship between MEPs and Belgium’s finest, as well as the country’s
judiciary, which may be why lawmakers are treading carefully. Belgian
authorities can be “a bit exaggerated,” a European People’s Party (EPP)
official told our colleague Max Griera. “Let’s see how this develops.”
Too
quick, too little: “The relationship between Belgian prosecutors and the
Parliament is in such a bad state,” argued a second centrist MEP. “Belgian
authorities come too early with little evidence, while other prosecutors come
later on in the process with tighter cases built.”
Why the
beef? Parliament may not be center-stage in this week’s drama, but the scars
from Qatargate and the Huawei cash-for-influence affair are still fresh. On
Qatar, MEPs are sore that, after three years of investigation, there is still
no judgment. They’re afraid that the whole case could fall through at a hearing
in December after the defendants challenged the legality of the proceedings.
Sloppy
memories: On Huawei, resentment in Parliament flared up in May when Belgian
prosecutors made headlines for asking that an MEP’s legal immunity be lifted
over alleged bribery, only to withdraw the request hours later when they
figured out the politician wasn’t in office at the time of the wrongdoing.
Lawmakers blasted the move as “sloppy.”
Tarnished
reputations: The Belgian authorities’ actions even prompted Parliament
President Roberta Metsola to publicly call out Belgium — and other countries —
for “tarnishing” MEPs’ reputations without “a solid basis.” In June, Metsola
said Parliament would require a much higher standard of evidence before
announcing requests to lift immunity.
Immunity
nudge: “A letter was sent to all permanent representations in September to
remind them about the information that would need to accompany a request for
immunity,” Metsola’s spokesperson Jüri Laas told POLITICO.
DEPLOY
QATARGATE SHIELD! That fraught backdrop helps explain why political groups in
the European Parliament’s Committee on Legal Affairs are expected this morning
to shield Socialists and Democrats MEP Elisabetta Gualmini — recently welcomed
back into the Socialist group after a suspension — from prosecutors, who accuse
her of bribery in the Qatargate probe. Two MEPs argued that there’s simply not
enough evidence of wrongdoing.
Not so
lucky: However, MEPs are likely to lift the immunity of Socialist Alessandra
Moretti, a frontrunner to chair the environment committee, who is also
allegedly implicated in the case. EPP and Renew are expected to back stripping
Morett of her immunity, while the Socialists will push to shield her, with last
minute attempts to convince EPP and Renew on Tuesday evening, according to one
official.
Quiz
time: The committee will also grill Renew’s Nikola Minchev, S&D’s Daniel
Attard and EPP’s Salvatore De Meo — all alleged to have participated in an
unlawful lobbying scheme linked to Chinese tech giant Huawei. A fourth MEP
under investigation, Italian EPP delegation chief Fulvio Martusciello, did not
respond to a request for comment on why he is skipping the hearing. MEPs will
decide on the immunities in January.
PERFECT
TIMING: All this lands as Parliament and EU countries on Tuesday night sealed a
deal on the bloc’s first anti-corruption law, harmonizing definitions of
corruption offenses, minimum penalties and prevention measures. Member states
will have two years to implement the law and an additional year to deliver
their anti-corruption strategies to the Commission.
Will this
actually help? The lead MEP on the file, Renew’s Raquel García Hermida-van der
Walle, told POLITICO that the bill’s crime definitions and penalties also apply
to EU officials. This will oblige
Belgium (and all EU countries) to “think about how they deal with
anti-corruption taking place within their borders” and present a first national
anti-corruption strategy to the Commission within three years.

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