How
to solve Europe’s migration crisis
POLITICO
asked thinkers, experts and policymakers for their solution to one of
the Continent’s greatest challenges.
By POLITICO
2/8/16, 5:30 AM CET
Europe’s most
serious refugee crisis since World War II is stretching economic
resources, radicalizing politics and straining the post-war
institutions created to keep the continent at peace and whole.
Over a million
migrants came into the EU last year, and thousands are following them
every day on an often perilous journey. As Brussels struggles to
fashion a workable common response, national capitals are taking
matters into their own hands. A borderless Europe created by the
Schengen treaty is in doubt. Even Germany and Sweden, which last
summer threw open their arms to welcome the newcomers, are having
second thoughts.
So what is to be
done? POLITICO asked leading thinkers, experts, policymakers and
politicians for their solution to Europe’s worsening migration
problem.
* * *
Consider the crisis
an opportunity to revitalize the EU
Jens Spahn is a
member of the German parliament and the ruling Christian Democratic
Union (CDU).
A high influx of
refugees had already kept parts of Europe in suspense for a few
years. Then, last summer, the situation became critical. The search
for a European solution has proven to be laborious, as social and
political differences between member countries become more and more
pronounced.
Germany, too,
arguably didn’t do enough to support south European countries
dealing with the increasing number of refugee arrivals. Now the EU
faces one of its biggest challenges yet. But the European project has
been particularly resilient in weathering crises in the past. Its
successful track record should serve as encouragement. Our current
challenge should be seen as an opportunity to take Europe another
step forward.
No
country can shoulder the refugee crisis alone.
Despite what some EU
governments may claim, the refugee crisis is not a primarily German
problem, but a European one. For too long we have ignored the fact
that conflict will inevitably ensue when young, poor neighboring
states come to compare themselves to the old, prosperous Europe. We
now have to take responsibility for that fact. As Europeans, we can’t
let the daunting task ahead divide us. We need to consider it a new
beginning.
Towards that end,
there are three major steps to take. 1. We need to secure Europe’s
external borders, an effort that includes significantly strengthening
Frontex’s mandate in the short term. Only secure external borders
can guarantee our freedom within the Schengen area. 2. We should
increase support to the EU’s neighboring countries in order to
erase their citizens’ need to migrate for economic reasons. 3. We
need to establish European asylum laws with clearly defined rules and
comparable levels of assistance to support those who temporarily need
our help.
One thing should be
clear to every member of the EU: No country can shoulder the burden
of the refugee crisis alone. We need to come to terms with our
mistakes — and learn from them. If we do, the refugee crisis could
be a chance to revitalize the Union.
This text was
translated from the German by Teresa Stiens.
* * *
To survive it,
restore a sense of control
Ivan Krastev is
chairman of the Center for Liberal Strategies in Sofia, Bulgaria.
There are crises
that cannot be solved, only survived — and the refugee crisis is
one of them. The most convincing proposal at Europe’s disposal, and
one that could actually make a difference in a short period of time,
is the Merkel Plan developed by the European Stability Initiative and
now discussed by European leaders from Berlin to The Hague.
Its central idea is
the resettlement of hundreds of thousands of refugees a year from
Turkey to a group of EU member states, and in parallel the return of
all migrants currently in Greece to Turkey. If Turkey is declared a
safe country for refugees, overburdened Greece can legitimately
return people there to process their asylum requests.
The
EU has to show that it is serious about supporting refugees in
Turkey.
At the same time the
EU has to show that it is serious about supporting refugees in
Turkey, and follow up on its promise of visa-free travel for Turkish
citizens.
No proposal is
perfect. This too will be hard to negotiate and implement, but it
does outline a practical way forward. It would replace a humanitarian
disaster with an orderly process. Refugees could reach Europe without
risking their lives. The plan would prove to European publics that
elected leaders can restore a sense of control. This is crucial to
the future of the whole European project.
* * *
Say less, do more
Demetrios G.
Papadmetriou is president of Migration Policy Institute Europe and
president emeritus of the Migration Policy Institute.
“Solving” the EU
migration crisis defies simple or one-off policy prescriptions. But
we can start with a simple dictum: Europe must say less and do more.
Beginning to solve
the crisis requires three things.
First, we must
identify mistakes made and correct them. This includes the fact that
Europe unilaterally eliminated its central Mediterranean borders
through search and rescue operations that, however legally necessary
and morally responsible, brought those rescued into the European
Union — where very few people who don’t, strictly speaking,
deserve protection are ever removed. The Aegean mess is simply the
logical evolution of that “policy.” Moreover, Europe must
acknowledge that unilateral policy decisions by one country have
large effects on neighbors. Germany is a case in point.
Second, governments
need to face up to the difficult task ahead: develop an integrated
set of responses and pursue them with rigor. Here, the script is
mostly already written — the problem is execution. Specifically,
removing asylum seekers whose applications have been denied must
become a policy priority, to protect the integrity of the EU system.
Europe
must acknowledge that unilateral policy decisions by one country have
large effects on neighbors. Germany is a case in point.
Dramatic reductions
in flows from Turkey, through the policy prescriptions embedded in
last November’s Turkey-EU agreement, must become a priority of
equal importance. Implementation will be difficult, and far more
expensive than Europe imagines. Turkey’s resolve — and Europe’s
patience — will be tested.
Syria is another
piece on this chessboard; the objective should be the creation,
defense and gradual expansion of “safe zones” to which Syrians
can find protection. The final piece: A large humanitarian
resettlement program that replaces chaos with order, dangerous
crossings with safety, and illegality with lawfulness.
Third, we must
develop well-thought-out contingency plans for the (most likely)
event that EU policies are not properly implemented.
Nothing about these
proposed solutions will be easy. But the alternative — the
disintegration of important pieces of the European experiment —
would be far more severe.
* * *
Control the borders,
enforce solidarity
Jeroen Lenaers is
EPP shadow rapporteur for the proposal for a permanent redistribution
mechanism.
Solving the
migration crisis has become the single most pertinent question for
European policymakers and national, regional and local governments
all over Europe. At summit after summit the EU promised more than its
member countries were willing to deliver.
As a consequence,
the relocation mechanism proposed by the European Commission has
become a dead letter. Funds committed by member countries have not
been transferred. Of the five “hotspots” promised in Greece only
one is functional. And, despite a controversial deal with Turkey,
thousands of refugees and migrants still enter the EU via Turkey on a
daily basis.
The
redistribution mechanism should be revived in order to share the
burden fairly among European countries.
Our first priority
should be to gain control over our external borders. The Commission’s
coast and border guard proposal should be finalized and implemented
before the end of the year, but we cannot afford to sit quietly until
then. We need common action at our borders — now.
We should also
acknowledge that not everyone reaching European shores is a refugee
fleeing war or persecution. Thanks to Vice-President Frans
Timmermans’ careless percentage-juggling, there is a dangerous lack
of clarity regarding the number of refugees arriving in Europe. We
need to address this immediately, and at the same time expedite the
return of illegal migrants to their country of origin.
Current commitments
must be executed without delay. The redistribution mechanism should
be revived in order to share the burden fairly among European
countries. If cooperation on the basis of solidarity does not work
voluntarily, the Commission should explore the possibilities of
corrective mechanisms for countries that categorically refuse to
participate in a common approach.
* * *
Stop looking for the
‘silver bullet’ — and play by the rules
Syed Kamall is
chairman of the European Conservatives and Reformists Group in the
European Parliament.
EU nations have a
moral responsibility to help people fleeing murderous regimes or
organizations; but failure to make the distinction between refugees
and economic migrants has exacerbated the crisis. Europe cannot be
the destination for everyone seeking a better life.
Leaders must stop
trying to find a “silver bullet” policy that is sure to fail the
moment it leaves the press room. They should demonstrate that they
understand the nuances of this very complex crisis. Only then can
they focus on helping those genuinely fleeing persecution.
There is no miracle
solution other than sticking to the rules to which European countries
have already agreed. This crisis demands significant resources and
assets from EU member states: to police the EU’s external border,
to fingerprint and process claimants, and to swiftly return those
without a legitimate claim.
There
is no miracle solution other than sticking to the rules to which
European countries have already agreed.
Returns under the
Dublin Regulation were suspended to Greece five years ago because of
poor reception conditions, and Germany’s open invitation in 2015
blew Dublin out of the water. Yet the regulation itself does not need
reinvention; it simply needs to be enforced. If a country cannot
abide by its responsibilities under Schengen, and refuses to accept
help, other countries are justified to protect their own national
borders.
Implementation is
the key to solving this crisis. We talk about solidarity in an
abstract and romantic way; but actual solidarity means that everyone
adheres to the rules and obligations they agreed on. Countries need
to let the laws we adopted take effect, and not let their neighbors
down.
* * *
The EU needs a
coherent asylum policy
Guy Verhofstadt,
European parliamentary group leader for the Alliance of Liberals and
Democrats for Europe (ALDE), was prime minister of Belgium from
1999-2008.
Instead of deterrent
tactics like closing the borders, enforcing national quotas or
confiscating personal effects, we need a genuine European approach.
First of all, we
need to secure the most critical border — the one between Greece
and Turkey. At least 2,000 European and national officers should be
sent to fingerprint, screen and register refugees. This rapid
response force would also decide who travels on to a destination in
Europe and who travels back to their country of origin.
At the same time, we
need to improve the living conditions at refugee centers in Turkey
and Europe. Instead of pouring billions into a bad deal with Erdoğan,
we should give targeted, direct assistance to refugees — in the
form of health care, education, and food checks — to empower them
and give them more control over their situation.
The
European Council needs to agree on one set of asylum rules to be
applied across the board, with a mandatory quota scheme that
distributes the refugees over all 28 countries.
But to really solve
the crisis, we need to look beyond the emergency situation and tackle
its root causes. We need to transform Frontex into a full-fledged
European Border and Coast Guard. The Commission’s proposal is
ready, and we now need to fast-track it in the European Parliament
and the Council. The next mid-term review of the European budget is
the right moment to substantially increase Frontex’s funding.
The establishment of
a European Border and Coast Guard would of course mean that we need
to agree on one set of rules that governs its actions. The current
Dublin asylum regulation has failed us —it induced a race to the
bottom, whereby European states compete to become the least
attractive for migrants. The Council needs to agree on one set of
asylum rules to be applied across the board, with a mandatory quota
scheme that distributes the refugees over all 28 countries.
* * *
Leave migration
policy to the countries
György Schöpflin
is a Hungarian MEP from the Fidesz party.
The migration crisis
has intensified Europe’s fault lines — between the EU states that
look the other way when migrants pass through them and those that
receive them; between those that embrace multiculturalism and those
that want nothing to do with it; between those that believe migration
will boost their economy and those that argue migrants will swamp the
labor market; between those that have the money to integrate
unskilled immigrants and those that don’t.
These opposing views
cannot be reconciled. At most they can be patched over.
Hungary saw an
enormous movement of people transit the country without regard for
its sovereignty and received next to no understanding from Brussels,
which admonished Budapest for the construction of a fence to protect
the Hungarian border. Central Europe’s declining population has
generated demographic anxiety — the fear that local norms, customs
and values could be overwhelmed by an influx of migrants.
EU
member countries should prepare to return a sizable number of
migrants, notably those on the move for economic reasons, to their
home countries.
The distinction
between genuine asylum-seekers and economic migrants should be
observed with far greater stringency. The status of “ protected
person” should be applied more frequently, as it avoids the
uncontrolled swell of migration through policies like family reunion,
that overwhelm local populations and undermine integration.
EU member countries
should prepare to return a sizeable number of migrants, notably those
on the move for economic reasons, to their home countries. The EU
should accept that citizens of member countries need to give their
consent to receiving large numbers of migrants, and that most, if not
all, aspects of migration policy should therefore be handled at the
state level.
* * *
We have solutions —
now we have to implement them
Gianni Pittella is
chair of the Group of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and
Democrats in the European Parliament.
How can we solve the
migration crisis? It’s easy. It would be enough to put in place
immediately all the measures proposed by the European Commission,
voted by the European Parliament and mainly already adopted by the
European Council. There’s just one snag. Most of the European
states don’t fulfill their obligations and disregard decisions that
were commonly taken.
Europe risks
collapse as a result of the foolish and short-minded illusion that we
can face this problem by raising walls, closing borders, setting
thresholds, discriminating on the basis of religion or building a
mini-Schengen.
How
can we solve the crisis? Let’s start by penalizing non-cooperation
and rewarding those who cooperate.
The EU Commission
has already delivered solutions. Member countries just haven’t
implemented them — not the relocation system nor the return system
(though no one knows who should be returned, where to, and who should
finance it). As a consequence of a general lack of clarity,
registration doesn’t work properly, the outdated Dublin system is
still in place and Frontex has not yet started supporting member
countries in controlling external borders.
How can we solve the
crisis? Let’s start by penalizing non-cooperation and rewarding
those who cooperate. Europe is a family that shares the same values
and obligations. It is not an à-la-carte menu from which you pick
and choose the bits you like.
* * *
Send support to
Turkey and Greece
Alexandra Stiglmayer
is a senior analyst and secretary-general of the European Stability
Initiative.
To resolve the
migration crisis, Europe needs to create a safe and legal way for
refugees to reach European countries and close the illegal and
dangerous Aegean migration route. This may sound ambitious, but it’s
achievable.
A coalition of
willing European states led by Germany should offer to take several
100,000 Syrian refugees from Turkey, and immediately get down to
implementing this commitment. In return, Turkey should agree to take
back anyone who reaches Greek islands from a certain date. The flow
of refugees will peter out after it becomes clear that the journey
across the Aegean leads back to Turkey.
In order to prevent
refugees from flocking to Turkey in the hope of being resettled in
the EU, the coalition should only agree to take people from among the
2.2 million Syrian refugees registered in Turkey before December
2015.
A
coalition of willing European states led by Germany should offer to
take several 100,000 Syrian refugees from Turkey, and immediately get
down to implementing this commitment.
For Greece to be
able to send asylum seekers back to Turkey legally, Turkey must
improve protection under its Temporary Protection scheme for Syrians
and implement all provisions of its 2013 asylum law. This is an issue
of political will and EU support; all the necessary institutions are
already in place.
European countries
spearheading the new approach should also immediately start financing
projects in Turkey, particularly schools for Syrian children, without
waiting for agreement among all 28 states on the €3 billion
promised to Turkey.
The leader of the
Dutch Labour Party, which is part of the ruling coalition, seems to
have taken up our proposal, which combines refugee protection with
effective control of the EU’s external borders. It is time that it
is put into place — instead of dangerous, doomed proposals like
erecting an iron curtain north of Greece.
* * *
Europe should stop
being naïve — we’re overstretched
Jimmie Åkesson is
the leader of the Sweden Democrats and a member of the Swedish
parliament.
On a recent visit to
a refugee camp in Jordan, I met very few people who expressed a
desire to move far away from their homes. Most wished nothing more
than to return home once the conflict was resolved.
The massive flow of
migrants entering Europe is made up of mostly young and middle-aged
men who have the means to fund their journey and pay the smugglers.
The truly poor and needy are left behind. Any help we give incoming
migrants therefore only helps a fraction of the suffering masses. Our
efforts for long-term success should focus on giving humanitarian
support to the countries these displaced people have fled.
The
idea that we can provide everyone with a European standard of living
is both naïve and impossible to achieve.
There are two main
benefits to this approach. Firstly, funds allocated to these regions
provide necessary aid to a greater number of people. In light of the
significant challenges integration poses, this is a much more
attractive option than increasing immigration to European countries.
The idea that we can
provide everyone with a European standard of living is both naïve
and impossible to achieve. We should provide these unfortunate people
with basic necessities like clean drinking water, adequate food,
clothing, shelter, medicines and school supplies for the children.
This type of aid is best delivered in the areas directly neighboring
conflict zones.
Secondly, this
approach ensures that the region maintains the necessary local
competencies to rebuild. Since making the journey to Europe is
expensive, a certain number of these displaced people are economic
migrants rather than actual refugees. Some are doctors, lawyers,
engineers and have certain levels of education. It is critical that
this knowledge base remain in the area in order to optimize chances
of recovery once the conflict is resolved.
* * *
Don’t dismiss
economic migrants
François De Smet,
director of Myria, Belgium’s federal center for migration.
Europe can only
resolve the refugee crisis by committing to a two-pronged approach:
on the one hand a common, continent-wide asylum policy; on the other,
a migration policy that acknowledges and organizes economic migration
flows, instead of resisting and denying them.
The refugee crisis
that made headlines last summer is only one facet of international
migration. But it has shone a light on Europe’s lack of proactive
politics and inconsistent international security and migration
policies.
Europe
must create a system that allows asylum-seekers to register requests
from their home countries or states adjoining the EU.
A solution involves
more cooperation. Europe must create a system that allows
asylum-seekers to register requests from their home countries or
states adjoining the EU. This would short-circuit smuggling networks
and eliminate the risks involved in illegal border crossings.
Requests for asylum should be doled out equally across the EU. The
viability of this system relies on equal treatment for asylum seekers
across the continent, regardless of the destination country to which
they are allocated.
Europe should also
work on opening legal channels for economic migrants seeking work in
the EU, and facilitate training for both high and low level jobs.
Europe needs to become more attractive and accessible for workers of
all levels. Europe should regard the issue in a utilitarian light,
and keep its own economic needs in mind.
Considering the
continent’s rather dire demographic projections, it should be
possible to create a mutually beneficial system by which the EU
matches origin country and destination country, all the while
protecting the rights of migrants themselves. Not only is this
possible — it’s crucial to the European project.
This text was
translated from the French by Esther King.
* * *
Europe needs to step
up and intervene sooner
Josef Janning heads
the Berlin office of the European Council on Foreign Relations.
Solving the refugee
crisis requires five interlocking actions.
First, Europe needs
internal solidarity. Rather than insisting on physical relocation
schemes, a European Fund for refugees and asylum, jointly funded by
EU members according to their share of EU GDP, should uphold
solidarity and help countries shoulder the burden of refugees.
Second, although the
new EU border agency is a step in the right direction, the Schengen
Area itself needs joint external border security. This includes
reception centers where refugees would be taken care of, registered,
and sent home if their asylum requests fail.
EU
countries need to help refugees as soon as they leave their home
countries, not just when they arrive in Europe.
Third, the EU needs
a humanitarian intervention force, ready to engage on a much larger
scale than the EU or UNHCR does today. EU countries need to help
refugees as soon as they leave their home countries, not just when
they arrive in Europe.
Fourth, Europeans
need joint economic, financial, diplomatic and military resources —
and the will — to resolve conflicts in neighboring regions by
political means and induce other countries or regional powers to
engage with each other constructively.
Fifth, the EU needs
a common asylum and immigration policy that would enable it to share
burdens fairly among member states. Too often, the asylum process
becomes a substitute for a lack of resources to ensure properly
regulated immigration.
Passivity is not an
option. As the most dependent and most committed member state Germany
will have to bring together a coalition of the willing.
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